A Tüchlein by Justus van Ghent: The Adoration of the Magi in the Metropolitan Museum of Art Re-Examined

Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York

This paper presents the results of a noninvasive technical examination carried out on the Adoration of the Magi at the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York (fig. 1) in 2014. The tüchlein has been attributed to Justus van Ghent. The examination sought to identify any underdrawing and to further understand the ways in which the painting technique relates to specific working practices found in contemporary tüchlein paintings and in the group of works directly associated with Justus van Ghent, who, next to Hugo van der Goes, is thought to be the most important painter active in Ghent after Jan van Eyck.

DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2016.8.1.3

Acknowledgements

Heartfelt thanks to Maryan W. Ainsworth and Michael Gallagher for giving us the opportunity to study the painting together during our fellowships at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in 2013–14, as well as for their guidance and support in editing this paper. Thanks also to the anonymous readers of the manuscript for their thoughtful suggestions.

Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 1 Justus van Ghent, Adoration of the Magi, ca. 1470, distemper on cloth, 109.2 x 160 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, inv. 41.190.21 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  The Crucifixion, ca. 1460/65, Saint Bavo Cathedral, Ghent
Fig. 2 Justus van Ghent, The Crucifixion, ca. 1460/65, oil on wood, 326.5 x 214.9 cm. Saint Bavo Cathedral, Ghent (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Communion of the Apostles,  ca. 1473–76, Museo Nazionale delle Marche, Urbino
Fig. 3 Justus van Ghent, Communion of the Apostles, ca. 1473–76, oil on wood, 331 x 335 cm. Museo Nazionale delle Marche, Urbino (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, X-radiograph, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 4 Fig. 4  Adoration of the Magi, X-radiograph. (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent, Horizontal (presumed warp) thread angle map. Hori, ca. 1470,
Fig. 5a Horizontal (presumed warp) thread angle map. Horizontal and vertical dashed lines are separated by 5 cm and can be used to judge cusping depth and separation. The red, blue, and yellow zones indicate the values of the average thread angles in the canvas. (Image: Don H. Johnson, Thread Count Automation Project) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent, Vertical (presumed weft) thread angle map, ca. 1470,
Fig. 5b Vertical (presumed weft) thread angle map. (Image: Don H. Johnson, Thread Count Automation Project) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,   Adoration of the Magi, verso during 1957 treat, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 6 Adoration of the Magi, verso during 1957 treatment (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, detail of black hatchin, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 7 Adoration of the Magi, detail of black hatching and contour lines (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Infrared photograph of Adoration of the Magi, , ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 8 Infrared photograph of Adoration of the Magi, detail of pentimento at youngest king’s feet (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent, Adoration of the Magi, infrared reflectogram, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 9a Adoration of the Magi, infrared reflectogram. (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent, Detail of underdrawing in Virgin’s mantle, Adoration of the Magi, comp, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 9b Detail of underdrawing in Virgin’s mantle, compared to same detail in normal light. (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Berlin Master of Mary of Burgundy,  Hours of Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian I, fol. 13v: Trinity, 1477/82, Kupfertstichkabinett, Berlin
Fig. 10 Hours of Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian I, fol. 13v: Berlin Master of Mary of Burgundy, Trinity, 1477/82, tempera on parchment, 10.3 x 7 cm. Kupfertstichkabinett, Berlin, 78 B 12 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, photomicrograph of youn, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 11 Adoration of the Magi, photomicrograph of youngest king’s sleeve, showing thinness of paint application and collection of paint in weave interstices, magnification 7x (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, photomicrograph showing, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 12 Adoration of the Magi, photomicrograph showing reddish contours of Joseph’s eyes, magnification 7x (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, detail of Joseph’s cl, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 13 Adoration of the Magi, detail of Joseph’s cloak (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Filippo Lippi,  Standing Male Figure,  ca. 1480, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 14 Filippo Lippi, Standing Male Figure, ca. 1480, soft metalpoint, highlights with white gouache, on ocher prepared paper, 17.5 x 7.5 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, inv. no. 1998.193 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Meeting of Jacob and Rachel, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, Christ Church
Fig. 15 Hugo van der Goes, Meeting of Jacob and Rachel, pen and brown ink, brush and brown pigment, white highlights on slate-gray paper, 33.8 x 57.2 cm. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, Christ Church (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent(?),  Hours of Mary of Burgundy, fol. 99v, The Crucifi,  ca. 1465/70,  Österreichische Nationalbibliothek
Fig. 16 Hours of Mary of Burgundy, fol. 99v: Justus van Ghent(?), The Crucifixion, ca. 1465/70, tempera on parchment, 22.5 x 16.3 cm. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Cod. 1587 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,   Trivulzio Hours, fol. 94v, The Crucifixion,  ca. 1470,  Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague
Fig. 17 Trivulzio Hours, fol. 94v: Justus van Ghent, The Crucifixion, ca. 1470, tempera on parchment, 7.8 x 4.5 cm. Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, SMC 1 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Livre des faits d’Alexandre le grant, fol. 19,  after 1470,  Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris
Fig. 18 Livre des faits d’Alexandre le grant, fol. 195v: Justus van Ghent, Meeting of Alexander and Roxanne, after 1470, tempera on parchment. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris. Ms. fr. 22547 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
  1. 1. Louis Demonts, “Essai sur Juste de Gand: A propos d’une Adoration des Mages et d’une Mort de la Vierge,” Revue de l’art 25 (1925): 56.

  2. 2. D. Francisco R. de Uhagón, “La copa del Condestable de Castilla,” Revista de archivos, bibliotecas y museos 5 (1901): 116–19; and Ormonde M. Dalton, The Royal Gold Cup in the British Museum (London, 1924).

  3. 3. The Saint Agnes Cup came to England after the regent of France, John of Lancaster, first duke of Bedford, confiscated a large part of the French royal collection in Paris and sent it to England; see the excellent study by Jenny Stratford on the subject: The Bedford Inventories: The Worldly Goods of John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France (1389–1435) (London: Society of Antiquaries, 1993). The list of the gifts presented to the convent of Santa Clara in Medina de Pomar on May 26, 1610, is copied in the museum archive files on the Saint Agnes Cup in the British Museum; see Stratford, The Bedford Inventories, 325.

  4. 4. The mother of D. Fernández de Velasco, Juana de Córdoba, negotiated the construction of the chapel with the architect Juan de Naveda in 1616; see Celestina Losada Varea, La arquitectura en el otoño del Renacimiento: Juan de Naveda (1590–1638) (Santander: Universidad de Cantabria, 2007), 185–91; see also Floriano Ballesteros Caballero, “Capilla Mayor de la iglesia del monasterio de Santa Clara en Medina de Pomar,” Boletín del seminario de estudìos de arte y arqueología 46 (1980): 493–98. The family genealogy Origen de la Ylustrísima Casa de Velasco por D. Pedro Fernández de Velasco (Madrid, Biblioteca nacional de España, Mss. 3238) was written in the sixteenth century.

  5. 5. For an account of the trip, see D. José Sancho Rayon and D. Francisco de Zabalburu, Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de españa por el marqués de la fuensanta del valle, vol. 71 (Madrid: Miguel Ginesta, 1879), 469–70.

  6. 6. Uhagón, “La copa del Condestable de Castilla,”116; and Dalton, The Royal Gold Cup, 4–6.

  7. 7. We are grateful to Naomi Speakman, curator, Late Medieval Collections, the British Museum, for her assistance in this matter.

  8. 8. Max J. Friedländer, Die Altniederländische Malerei, vol. 3, Dierick Bouts und Joos van Gent, (Berlin: Paul Cassirer, 1925), 84–85.

  9. 9. Demonts, “Essai sur Juste de Gand,” 56–74.

  10. 10. Friedrich Winkler, “Ein voritalienisches Werk des Justus van Gent,” Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst 51, n.s. 27 (1916): 321–27.

  11. 11. See Antoine de Schryver in Juste de Gand, Berruguete et la cour d’Urbino, exh. cat. (Ghent: Musée des beaux-arts, 1957), 32, cat. nos. 1–3; and, on the history of the triptych, Antoine de Schryver and Roger Marijnissen, “Het Calvarie-Drieluik toegeschreven aan Justus van Gent en de bijhorende Predella. Materiële Geschiedenis,” Bulletin de l’Institut royal du patrimoine artistique 4 (1961): 11–12. The article is followed by a description of the painting’s condition and the restoration carried out in 1961.

  12. 12. Vasari, Le vite de’ più eccellenti architetti, pittori et scultori italiani, da Cimabue insino a’ tempi nostri (Florence, 1550; Turin: Einaudi, 1991), 1:68. Melozzo da Forlì however did not work on the Communion of the Apostles. On the Italian documentation of Justus van Ghent, see also Mark L. Evans, “‘Un maestro solenne’: Joos van Wassenhove in Italy,” Nederlands kunsthistorisch jaarboek 44 (1993): 75–110.

  13. 13. Although the painting is in poor condition and abraded to such an extent that the very dense underdrawing composed of primarily parallel lines, with some cross-hatching, is visible, the attribution to Justus van Ghent stands firm. The most recent technical examination has revealed that the painting technique uses Northern European and Italian elements; see Maria L. Amadori, Barbara Fazzari, and Maria P. Morigi, “Le ricerche scientifiche sugli Uomini Illustri,” in Lo studiolo del duca. Il ritorno degli Uomini Illustri alla Corte di Urbino, exh. cat.(Milan: Skira, 2015), 85–100. Parts of the examination results were published by R. Mazzeo, M. Menu, M. L. Amadori et al., “Examination of the Uomini Illustri: Looking for the Origins of the Portraits in the Studiolo of the Ducal Palace of Urbino; Part II,” in Studying Old Master Paintings: Technology and Practice (London: National Gallery of Art, 2011), 44–51.

  14. 14. A seventeenth-century drawing by the French librarian Gabriel Naudé published in 1997 records something that looks like an inscription that is today lost: “Petrus Hispanius pinxit”; see Vladimir Juřen, “Pietro Spagnolo et Juste de Gand: Un dessin inédit d’après le tableau d’autel du Corpus Domini à Urbin,” Revue de l’art 117 (1997): 48–53; and Fernando Marías and Felipe Pereda, “Petrus Hispanus pittore in Urbino,” in Francesco di Giorgio alla corte di Federico da Monteleftro, 1: Il contesto, ed. Francesco Paolo Fiore (Florence: Olschki, 2004), 249–66.

  15. 15. For the identification with Joos van Wassenhove, see Georges Hulin de Loo, “Une note relative au peintre Juste de Gand,” Bulletin de la société d’histoire et d’archéologie de Gand 8 (1900): 68. The attribution of the Crucifixion to Daniel de Rijke was expressed at the Congrès archéologique in Ghent in 1907; see Joseph Destrée, Hugo van der Goes (Brussels: G. van Ost, 1914), 206n1; and Winkler, “Ein voritalienisches Werk des Justus van Ghent,” 312n2. Antoine de Schryver followed this view in 1957; see Juste de Gand, Berruguete et la cour d’Urbino, 23, as did Elisabeth Dhanens, “Tussen de van Eycks en Hugo van der Goes,” Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van Belgie, Klasse der Schone Kunsten 45(1984): 1–98.

  16. 16. Winkler, “Ein voritalienisches Werk des Justus van Ghent,” 324–26; Friedländer, Die Altniederländische Malerei, 3:75.

  17. 17. Demonts, “Essai sur Juste de Gand,” 63.

  18. 18. Harry B. Wehle, “A Painting by Joos van Gent,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin n.s. 2, no. 4 (1943): 136.

  19. 19. See Juste de Gand, Berruguete et la cour d’Urbino, 15.

  20. 20. On the historic documentation that was used by Winkler, Demonts, and others, see A. de Ceuleneer, Justus van Gent (Joos van Wassenhove) (Ghent: Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde, 1910). See also Friedländer, Altniederländische Malerei, 3:84.

  21. 21. Most recently, Paul Eeckhout, “Hugo van der Goes et le mythe de Joos van Wassenhove,” Bulletin des Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique (1992–93): 9–34, tried to assemble several arguments and opinions against the identification and attributed the triptych to Hugo van der Goes instead.

  22. 22. See Hélène Dubois, Herant Khanjian, Michael Schilling, and Arie Wallert, “A Late Fifteenth Century Italian Tüchlein,” Zeitschrift für Kunsttechnologie und Konservierung 11 (1997): 229.

  23. 23. This was observed for the Bouts Entombment in the London National Gallery of Art. The glue size most likely contains small quantities of umber; see David Bomford, Ashok Roy, and Alistair Smith, “The Technique of Dieric Bouts: Two Paintings Contrasted,” National Gallery Technical Bulletin 10 (1986): 44.

  24. 24. For this definition, see Hélène Verougstraete-Marcq and Roger Van Schoute, Cadres et supports dans la peinture flamande aux 15e et 16e siècles (Heure-le-Romain, 1989), 55.

  25. 25. Diane Wolfthal, The Beginnings of Netherlandish Canvas Painting: 1400–1530 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).

  26. 26. For an overview, see Catherine Reynolds, “The Function and Display of Netherlandish Cloth Paintings,” in The Fabric of Images: European Paintings on Textile Supports in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, ed. Caroline Villers (London: Archetype Publications, 2000), 89–98.

  27. 27. See Wolfthal, The Beginnings of Netherlandish Canvas Painting, 20–22; and Paula Nuttall, “‘Panni Dipinti di Fiandra’: Netherlandish Painted Cloths in Fifteenth-Century Florence,” in The Fabric of Images, 109–17.

  28. 28. See Verougstraete-Marcq and Van Schoute, Cadres et supports dans la peinture flamande, 55–59, with examples. The early fifteenth-century Virgin of Le-Puy-en-Velay, for example, shows traces of insect holes on the reverse which were caused by xylophagous insects that infested the original support; see Bruno Mottin, “L’Étude de laboratoire de la Vierge au manteau de Puy-en-Velay,” in La Vierge au Manteau du Puy-en-Velay, ed. Hélène Millet and Claudia Rabel (Lyons: Fage, 2011), 148.

  29. 29. The cloth painters of Bruges for example were forbidden to paint in oil from 1463 onwards, which was demanded from the panel painters, see Wolfthal, The Beginnings of Netherlandish Canvas Painting, 26; and Verougstraete-Marcq and Van Schout, Cadres et supports dans la peinture flamande, 55.

  30. 30. According to Karel van Mander, Pieter Bruegel’s acceptance piece for the Tournai guild of Saint Luke in 1569 was not painted in oil but in watercolors; see Emil D. Bosshard, “Tüchleinmalerei–eine billige Ersatztechnik?” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 45 (1982): 40.

  31. 31. This study was performed in February 2015.

  32. 32. David Bomford, Ashok Roy, and Alistair Smith,“The Techniques of Dieric Bouts: Two Paintings Contrasted,” National Gallery Technical Bulletin 10 (1986): 46. On the Annunciation and the Resurrection, see Cathy Metzger and Diane Wolfthal, Los Angeles Museums, Corpus of Netherlandish Painting 22 (Brussels: Royal Institute for Cultural Heritage, 2014), 46–87.

  33. 33. For the most recent summary of the state of research, see Metzger and Wolfthal, Los Angeles Museums, 75–76.

  34. 34. Infrared reflectography completed with a Merlin Indigo InGaAs near infrared camera with a StingRay macro lens customized for the wavelengths covered by the camera, 0.9 to 1.7 microns.

  35. 35. This is, for example, the case in the Vierge au manteau in Le Puy, and in Bouts’s Annunciation (Los Angeles) and Entombment (London); see notes 23 and 32 above; and, most recently, Cathy Metzger and Diane Wolfthal, Los Angeles Museums, 46–87. Liquid underdrawing has also been detected in sixteenth-century German tüchlein paintings; see Maria Körber, “Zur Maltechnik und Restaurierung der Tüchlein des Halberstädter Heiltumsschrankes, um 1520,” Zeitschrift für Kunsttechnologie und Konservierung 22, no. 1 (2008): 46.

  36. 36. See the study on the slightly later Virgin and Child with Two Female Saints in the National Gallery in London: Ashok Roy, “The Technique of a ‘Tüchlein’ by Quentin Massys,” National Gallery Technical Bulletin 12 (1988): 38–39.

  37. 37. See Bomford and Roy, “The Technique of Dieric Bouts,” 46; and Mark Leonard, Frank Preusser, Andrea Rothe, and Michael Schilling, “Dieric Bouts’s ‘Annunciation’: Materials and Techniques; A Summary,” Burlington Magazine 130, no. 1024 (1988): 520–21; and Metzger and Wolfthal, Los Angeles Museums, 59, 66, nos. 245–46. The latter also pointed out that XRF examination indicated that no metals were present, ruling out the hypothesis that iron-gall ink could have been used.

  38. 38. Examples of the finding of unorthodox underdrawings include the discovery of iron-gall ink in Mantegna’s Saint Jerome in the Desert in the Bonnefantenmuseum, Maastricht, and the possible underdrawing revealed using ultraviolet light in the Entombment by Dieric Bouts in the National Gallery, London. In the latter, no underdrawing could be detected with infrared reflectography, but lines and pentimenti were evident in a UV-fluorescent photograph. It has been suggested that the Entombment formed a group with the California Bouts tüchleins, future examination may provide different conclusions.

  39. 39. A good example is the heads added by illuminators from the circle of Fouquet in the Hours of Louis de Laval (Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 920); see Les manuscrits à peintures en France. 1440–1520, exh. cat., ed. François Avril and Nicole Reynaud (Paris: Flammarion, 1993), no. 325.

  40. 40. See Hélène Dubois and Lizet Klaassen, “Fragile Devotion: Two Late 15th-Century Italian Tüchlein Examined,” in The Fabric of Images, 68.

  41. 41. The painting had been varnished at least once; a synthetic varnish was removed at the museum in 1978. The treatment reports are kept in the archives of the Sherman Fairchild Center for Painting Conservation, at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

  42. 42. Pigments were identified using a Bruker Tracer handheld XRF (Summer 2014).

  43. 43. Ibid.

  44. 44. See Bomford and Roy, “The Technique of Dieric Bouts,” 48–49.

  45. 45. See Leonard et al., “Dieric Bouts’s ‘Annunciation,’” 522.

  46. 46. See Metzger and Wolfthal, Los Angeles Museums, 66.

  47. 47. See Mottin, “L’Étude de laboratoire,” 153–55.

  48. 48. Ibid., fig. 134.

  49. 49. On the ground preparation, see Italian Renaissance Drawings: Technical Examination and Analysis, ed. Janet Ambers, Catherine Higgitt, and David Saunders (London: British Museum, 2010), 23–37, esp. 33–36.

  50. 50. On the drawings by Giotto and Taddeo Gaddi, see, most recently, Giotto e compagni, exh. cat., ed. Dominique Thiébaut (Paris: Louvre editions, 2013), cat. nos. 6 and 19. On the drawings in Berlin, see Fantasie und Handwerk: Cennino Cennini und die Tradition der toskanischen Malerei von Giotto bis Lorenzo Monaco, exh. cat., ed. Wolf-Dietrich Löhr and Stefan Weppelmann (Munich: Hirmer, 2008), cat. nos. 14 and 15.

  51. 51. Early examples, such as the London Arresting of Christ (British Museum, P&D, inv. no. 1883-7-14-77) or the Paris Arresting of Christ (Louvre, Département des arts graphiques, inv. no. 18786), silverpoint drawings on prepared paper, with white highlights, exist and seem to borrow some technical particularities from Rhenish and French manuscript illumination; see Early Netherlandish Drawing from Jan van Eyck to Hieronymus Bosch, exh. cat., ed. Fritz Koreny, Erwin Pokorny, and Georg Zeman (Antwerp: Rubenshuis, 2002), cat. no. 1; and Guido Messling, “The Art of Drawing before van Eyck,” in The Road to van Eyck, exh. cat., ed. Stephan Kemperdick and Friso Lammertse (Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans van Beuningen, 2012), 66–68.Early examples, such as the London Arresting of Christ (British Museum, P&D, inv. no. 1883-7-14-77) or the Paris Arresting of Christ (Louvre, Département des arts graphiques, inv. no. 18786), silverpoint drawings on prepared paper, with white highlights, exist and seem to borrow some technical particularities from Rhenish and French manuscript illumination; see Early Netherlandish Drawing from Jan van Eyck to Hieronymus Bosch, exh. cat., ed. Fritz Koreny, Erwin Pokorny, and Georg Zeman (Antwerp: Rubenshuis, 2002), cat. no. 1; and Guido Messling, “The Art of Drawing before van Eyck,” in The Road to van Eyck, exh. cat., ed. Stephan Kemperdick and Friso Lammertse (Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans van Beuningen, 2012), 66–68.

  52. 52. Max J. Friedländer, Die Altniederländische Malerei, vol. 4, Hugo van der Goes (Berlin: Paul Cassirer, 1926), suggested he was at the monastery by Nov. 1475. Later, De Schryver published a document of a house payment by Hugo in Ghent from 1473 to 1477, but Jochen Sander noted that he could have kept the property while living in the cloister, see Antoine de Schryver, “Hugo van der Goes’ laatste jaren te Gent,” Gentse Bijdragen tot de kunstgeschiedenis 16 (1955–56): 193–211; and Jochen Sander, Hugo van der Goes: Stilentwicklung und Chronologie (Mainz: Philp von Zabern, 1992), 16.

  53. 53. See Koreny in Early Netherlandish Drawing from Jan van Eyck to Hieronymus Bosch, 123–24. On the technique, see also Stephanie Buck, “Hugo van der Goes as a Draftsman,” Master Drawings 41, no. 3 (2003): 228–39; and Jochen Sander, “The Meeting of Jacob and Rachel: Hugo van der Goes’ Drawing at Christ Church, Oxford,” Master Drawings 27, no. 1 (1989): 39–52.

  54. 54. See Buck, “Hugo van der Goes,” 229.

  55. 55. Paintings in an extremely oblong format were used to decorate either (marriage) chests or different parts of interior decoration, wall paneling, etc. As an introduction, see Paul Schubring, Cassoni: Truhen und Truhenbilder der italienischen Frührenaissance; Ein Beitrag zur Profanmalerei im Quattrocento (Leipzig: Hirsemann, 1915); and Graham Hughes, Renaissance Cassoni: Masterpieces of Early Italian Art; Painted Marriage Chests 1400–1550 (London: Art Books International, 1997).

  56. 56. See Buck, “Hugo van der Goes,” 228.

  57. 57. See Koreny in Early Netherlandish Drawing from Jan van Eyck to Hieronymus Bosch, 123–24.

  58. 58. Curiously, this motif seems to have attracted the closest attention of the Master of the Virgo inter Virgines, He refers to this model in his Adoration of the Magi in Berlin (Gemäldegalerie, inv. no. 1672), which is in some parts based on the Metropolitan Adoration, and partly also on the altarpiece with the Nativity in Salzburg, ca. 1490 (Salzburg Museum, inv. no. 214-32). Suzanne Sulzberger, “Juste de Gand et l’école de Harlem,” Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art 29 (1960): 49–62, touched on the subject when comparing the Ghent Crucifixion to the work of Geertgen tot Sint Jans; the relation to Northern Netherlandish painters such as the Master of Delft (particularly the Crucifixion triptych of ca. 1510 in the National Gallery, London, inv. no. NG 2922.1-3) needs further investigation.

  59. 59. The most influential early contribution on this master is Otto Pächt, The Master of Mary of Burgundy (London: Faber & Faber, 1948), after his earlier article “The Master of Mary of Burgundy,” Burlington Magazine 85 (1944): 295–301.

  60. 60. See Eberhard Freiherr Schenk zu Schweinsberg, Eberhard Freiherr. “Das Gebetbuch des Graf Engelbert II. von Nassau und seine Meister,“ Nassauische Annalen 86 (1975): 150–51; and Franz Unterkircher and Antoine de Schryver, Gebetbuch Karls des Kühnen vel potius Stundenbuch der Maria von Burgund. Cod. Vind. 1857 der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek (Graz: Akadem. Drucks- und Verlagsanstalt: 1969), 152, 164.

  61. 61.  Anne van Buren, “The Master of Mary of Burgundy and His Colleagues: The State of Research and Questions of Method,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 38 (1975): 286–309.

  62. 62. Eberhard König, with contributions by Fedja Anzelewsky, Bodo Brinmann, and Frauke Steenbock, Das Berliner Stundenbuch der Maria von Burgund und Kaiser Maximilians (Lachen am Zürichsee: Coron, 1996). The manuscript 78 B 12 (Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett) is the actual book of hours of Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian as it bears their joint coats of arms. As it must have been made around the time of their wedding, it is generally dated around 1480, thus much later than the Vienna Hours (ÖNB, Cod. 1857).

  63. 63. Eberhard König, El libro de Horas Voustre Demeure: Estudio para la edición facsimilar del volumen de Madrid y las miniaturas de Berlín et Filadelfia (Madrid: Patrimonio, 2009); and Eberhard König, “Charles the Bold and the Mary of Burgundy Style: or Who Said ‘Voustre Demeure’?,” in Staging the Court of Burgundy: Proceedings of the Conference “The Splendour of Burgundy (1418–1482); A Multidisciplinary Approach, ed. Wim Blockmans, Till-Holger Borchert, and Anne van Oosterwijk (London: Harvey Miller, 2013)287–99.

  64. 64. Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe, Exh. cat., edited by Thomas Kren and Scott McKendrick (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, and London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2003–4).

  65. 65. Illuminating the Renaissance, cat. no. 17.

  66. 66. On the illustrated sequence of the short hours of the week with accompanying masses, which will also reappear, for example, in the Rothschild book of hours (private collection), see Kathryn M. Rudy, “The Trivulzio Hours, the Ghent Altarpiece and the Mass as Devotional Subject,” in Staging the Court of Burgundy, 301–23.

  67. 67. See Illuminating the Renaissance, cat. no. 54. It was De Schryver who proposed the identification of the manuscript in Paris with the documented volume paid for in 1470; see Antoine de Schryver, “Prix de l’enluminure et codicologie: Le Point comme unité de calcul de l’enlumineur dans “Le songe du viel pellerin” et “Les faictz et gestes d’Alexandre” (Paris B.N., Fr. 9200-9201 et Fr. 22547),” in Miscellanea Codicologica F. Masai dicata MCMLXXIX, eds. Pierre Cockshaw, Monique-Cécile Garand and Pierre Jodogne (Ghent: E. Stori-Sciencia, 1979), 2:469–76. Kren’s attribution of the Liber Floridus in Chantilly (Ms. 1596) opens interesting questions concerning the aftermath of the individual style found in Fr. 22547 and seems to contradict the idea that the entire group just merges into the graphic style of the “Ghent associates” or workshop of the Master of Mary of Burgundy; for the attribution of the Liber Floridus, see Thomas Kren, “A Flemish Manuscript in France: The Chantilly Liber Floridus,” in Quand la peinture était dans les livres: Mélanges en l’honneur de François Avril, eds. Mara Hofmann and Caroline Zöhl (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 129–38.

  68. 68. This might leave us with the suggestion that the characterized features of the Metropolitan Adoration of the Magi reappear in the Crucifixion miniature of the eponymous Vienna Hours (Cod. 1857, fol. 99v), but are not necessarily as evident in the manuscript’s second full-page miniature attributed to the master, the Nailing to the Cross (fol. 43v). If the latter were removed from the group, the miniature frame with the Portrait of a Lady in the Vienna Hours (fol. 14v) sometimes called Mary of Burgundy would form a more coherent group with the Crucifixion triptych, the Crucifixion in the Vienna Hours, the Crucifixion in the Trivulzio Hours, the miniatures in the Paris Alexander Roman and the Metropolitan tüchlein. Separating the Nailing to the cross would also mean excluding the Nassau Hours (Oxford, Bodleian, Douce 219–20) from the work of the Vienna Master and shrink it to a more strictly defined group that might be worth discussing in another context.

  69. 69. For a study of Van der Goes’s tüchlein paintings see Sander, Hugo van der Goes, 150–53, 162–65, and 188–90. We are grateful to Dr. Stephan Kemperdick, curator at the Gemäldegalerie in Berlin, for sharing the X-radiograph of the Berlin tüchlein with us. It indicates a comparable use of chalk white in the modeling of the faces of the figures in the second row, whereas lead white was used to “sculpt” the faces of the foreground figures.

  70. 70. Nancy Turner, “Macro-XRF Scanning of Illuminations: An Improved Method for Non-Invasive Art Technical Analysis of Illuminated Manuscripts“ (talk presented at the international study day: Inside Illuminations – Art Technical Research and the Illuminated Manuscript, held at KIK/IRPA in Brussels on June 5, 2014) presents an interesting case of identifying zinc-containing iron-gall ink as a drawing medium in Bourdichon’s miniature leaf at the J. Paul Getty Museum. This is a promising result and could initiate the application of µ-XRF also in the study of tüchlein paintings.

Amadori, Maria L., Barbara Fazzari, and Maria P. Morigi. “Le ricerche scientifiche sugli Uomini Illustri.” In Lo studiolo del duca: Il ritorno degli Uomini Illustri alla Corte di Urbino, 85–100. Exh. cat. Milan: Skira, 2015. 

Ambers, Janet, Catherine Higgitt, and David Saunders, eds. Italian Renaissance Drawings. Technical Examination and Analysis. London: British Museum, 2010.

Ballesteros Caballero, Floriano. “Capilla Mayor de la iglesia del monasterio de Santa Clara en Medina de Pomar.” Boletín del seminario de estudìos de arte y arqueología 46 (1980): 493–98.

Bomford, David, Ashok Roy, and Alistair Smith. “The Technique of Dieric Bouts: Two Paintings Contrasted.” National Gallery Technical Bulletin 10 (1986): 42–57.

Bosshard, Emil D. “Tüchleinmalerei–eine billige Ersatztechnik?” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 45 (1982): 31–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482125

Buck, Stephanie. “Hugo van der Goes as a Draftsman,” Master Drawings 41, no. 3 (2003): 228–39.

Buren, Anne van. “The Master of Mary of Burgundy and his Colleagues: The State of Research and Questions of Method,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 38 (1975): 286–309. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482125

Ceuleneer, A. de. Justus van Gent (Joos van Wassenhove). Ghent: Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde, 1910.

Dalton, Ormonde M. The Royal Gold Cup in the British Museum. London, 1924.

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Destrée, Joseph. Hugo van der Goes. Brussels: G. van Ost, 1914.

Dhanens, Elisabeth. “Tussen de van Eycks en Hugo van der Goes.” Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van Belgie, Klasse der Schone Kunsten 45(1984): 1–98.

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Fantasie und Handwerk: Cennino Cennini und die Tradition der toskanischen Malerei von Giotto bis Lorenzo Monaco. Exh. cat. Edited by Wolf-Dietrich Löhr and Stefan Weppelmann. Berlin: Gemäldegalerie, 2008.

Friedländer, Max J. Die Altniederländische Malerei. Vol. 3, Dierick Bouts und Joos van Gent. Berlin: Paul Cassirer, 1926.

Friedländer, Max J. Die Altniederländische Malerei. Vol. 4, Hugo van der Goes. Berlin: Paul Cassirer, 1926.

Giotto e compagni. Exh. cat. Edited by Dominique Thiébaut. Paris, Musée du Louvre, 2013.

Hughes, Graham. Renaissance Cassoni: Masterpieces of Early Italian Art; Painted Marriage Chests 1400–1550. London: Art Books International, 1997.

Hulin de Loo, Georges. “Une note relative au peintre Juste de Gand.” Bulletin de la société d’histoire et d’archéologie de Gand 8 (1900): 64–69.

Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe. Exh. cat. Edited by Thomas Kren and Scott McKendrick. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum; and London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2003–4.

Juřen, Vladimir. “Pietro Spagnolo et Juste de Gand: Un dessin inédit d’après le tableau d’autel du Corpus Domini à Urbin.” Revue de l’art 117 (1997): 48-53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/rvart.1997.348342

Juste de Gand, Berruguete et la cour d’Urbino. Exh. cat. Ghent: Musée des beaux-arts, 1957.

König, Eberhard. El libro de Horas Voustre Demeure: Estudio para la edición facsimilar del volumen de Madrid y las miniaturas de Berlín et Filadelfia. Madrid: Patrimonio, 2009.

_______. “Charles the Bold and the Mary of Burgundy Style: or Who Said ‘Voustre Demeure’?” In Staging the Court of Burgundy (see below), 287–99.

König, Eberhard, with contributions by Fedja Anzelewsky, Bodo Brinmann, and Frauke Steenbock. Das Berliner Stundenbuch der Maria von Burgund und Kaiser Maximilians. Lachen am Zürichsee: Coron, 1996.

Körber, Maria. “Zur Maltechnik und Restaurierung der Tüchlein des Halberstädter Heiltumsschrankes, um 1520.” Zeitschrift für Kunsttechnologie und Konservierung 22, no. 1 (2008): 41–62.

Kren, Thomas. “A Flemish Manuscript in France: The Chantilly Liber Floridus.” In Quand la peinture était dans les livres: Mélanges en l’honneur de François Avril. Edited by Mara Hofmann and Caroline Zöhl, 129–38. Turnhout: Brepols, 2007.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/M.ARS-EB.3.27

Leonard, Mark, Frank Preusser, Andrea Rothe, and Michael Schilling. “Dieric Bouts’s ‘Annunciation’: Materials and Techniques; A Summary.” Burlington Magazine 130, no. 1024 (1988): 517–22.

Les manuscrits à peintures en France. 1440–1520. Exh. cat. Edited by François Avril and Nicole Reynaud. Paris: Flammarion, 1993.

Losada Varea, Celestina. La arquitectura en el otoño del Renacimiento: Juan de Naveda (1590–1638). Santander: Universidad de Cantabria, 2007.

Marías, Fernando, and Felipe Pereda. “Petrus Hispanus pittore in Urbino.” In Francesco di Giorgio alla corte di Federico da Monteleftro.1. Il contest, edited by Francesco Paolo Fiore, 249–66. Florence: Olschki, 2004.

Mazzeo, R., M. Menu, M. L. Amadori et al. “Examination of the Uomini Illustri: Looking for the Origins of the Portraits in the Studiolo of the Ducal Palace of Urbino; Part II.” In Studying Old Master Paintings: Technology and Practice, 44–51.London: National Gallery of Art, 2011.

Messling, Guido. “The Art of Drawing before van Eyck.” In The Road to van Eyck. Exh. cat. Edited by Stephan Kemperdick and Friso Lammertse, 66–68. Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans van Beuningen, 2012.

Metzger, Cathy, and Diane Wolfthal. Los Angeles Museums. Corpus of Netherlandish Painting 22. Brussels: Royal Institute for Cultural Heritage, 2014.

Mottin, Bruno. “L’Étude de laboratoire de la Vierge au manteau de Puy-en-Velay.” In La Vierge au Manteau du Puy-en-Velay, editedbyHélène Millet, and Claudia Rabel, 147–58. Lyons: Fage, 2011.

Nuttall, Paula. “’Panni Dipinti di Fiandra’: Netherlandish Painted Cloths in Fifteenth-Century Florence.” In The Fabric of Images (see below), 109–17.

Pächt, Otto. “The Master of Mary of Burgundy.” Burlington Magazine 85 (1944): 295–301.

Pächt, Otto. The Master of Mary of Burgundy. London Farber & Farber, 1948.

Reynolds, Catherine. “The Function and Display of Netherlandish Cloth Paintings.” In The Fabric of Images (see below), 89–98.

Roy, Ashok. “The Technique of a ‘Tüchlein’ by Quentin Massys,” National Gallery Technical Bulletin 12 (1988): 36–43.

Rudy, Kathryn M. “The Trivulzio Hours, the Ghent Altarpiece and the Mass as Devotional Subject.” In Staging the Court of Burgundy (see below), 301–23.

Sancho Rayon, D. José, and D. Francisco de Zabalburu. Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de españa por el marqués de la fuensanta del valle, vol. 71. Madrid: Miguel Ginesta, 1879.

Sander, Jochen. “The Meeting of Jacob and Rachel: Hugo van der Goes’ Drawing at Christ Church, Oxford,” Master Drawings 27, no. 1 (1989): 39–52.

Sander, Jochen. Hugo van der Goes: Stilentwicklung und Chronologie. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1992.

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Schrijver, Antoine de. “Hugo van der Goes’ laatste jaren te Gent.”Gentse Bijdragen tot de kunstgeschiedenis 16 (1955–56): 193–211.

Schryver, Antoine de. “Prix de l’enluminure et codicologie: Le Point comme unité de calcul de l’enlumineur dans “Le Songe du viel pellerin” et “Les Faictz et gestes d’Alexandre” (Paris B.N., Fr. 9200-9201 et Fr. 22547).” In Miscellanea Codicologica F. Masai dicata MCMLXXIX, edited by Pierre Cockshaw, Monique-Cécile Garand, and Pierre Jodogne, 2:469–76.. Ghent: E. Stori-Sciencia, 1979.

Schryver, Antoine de, and Roger Marijnissen. “Het Calvarie-Drieluik toegeschreven aan Justus van Gent en de bijhorende Predella. Materiële Geschiedenis.” Bulletin de l’Institut royal du patrimoine artistique 4 (1961): 11–23.

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Sulzberger, Suzanne. “Juste de Gand et l’école de Harlem.” Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art 29 (1960): 49–62.

The Fabric of Images: European Paintings on Textile Supports in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries. Edited by Caroline Villers. London: Archetype Publications, 2000.

The Road to van Eyck. Exh. cat. Edited by Stephan Kemperdick and Friso Lammertse. Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans van Beuningen, 2012.

Uhagón, D. Francisco R. de. “La copa del Condestable de Castilla.” Revista de archivos, bibliotecas y museos 5 (1901): 116–19.

Unterkircher, Franz, and Antoine de Schryver. Gebetbuch Karls des Kühnen vel potius Stundenbuch der Maria von Burgund. Cod. Vid. 1857 der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek. Graz: Akadem. Drucks- und Verlagsanstalt: 1969.

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Wehle, Harry B. “A Painting by Joos van Gent.” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin n.s. 2, no. 4 (1943): 133–39.

Winkler, Friedrich. “Ein voritalienisches Werk des Justus van Gent.” Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst 51, n.s. 27 (1916): 321–27.

Wolfthal, Diane. The Beginnings of Netherlandish Canvas Painting: 1400–1530. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989.

List of Illustrations

Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 1 Justus van Ghent, Adoration of the Magi, ca. 1470, distemper on cloth, 109.2 x 160 cm. The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, inv. 41.190.21 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  The Crucifixion, ca. 1460/65, Saint Bavo Cathedral, Ghent
Fig. 2 Justus van Ghent, The Crucifixion, ca. 1460/65, oil on wood, 326.5 x 214.9 cm. Saint Bavo Cathedral, Ghent (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Communion of the Apostles,  ca. 1473–76, Museo Nazionale delle Marche, Urbino
Fig. 3 Justus van Ghent, Communion of the Apostles, ca. 1473–76, oil on wood, 331 x 335 cm. Museo Nazionale delle Marche, Urbino (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, X-radiograph, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 4 Fig. 4  Adoration of the Magi, X-radiograph. (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent, Horizontal (presumed warp) thread angle map. Hori, ca. 1470,
Fig. 5a Horizontal (presumed warp) thread angle map. Horizontal and vertical dashed lines are separated by 5 cm and can be used to judge cusping depth and separation. The red, blue, and yellow zones indicate the values of the average thread angles in the canvas. (Image: Don H. Johnson, Thread Count Automation Project) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent, Vertical (presumed weft) thread angle map, ca. 1470,
Fig. 5b Vertical (presumed weft) thread angle map. (Image: Don H. Johnson, Thread Count Automation Project) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,   Adoration of the Magi, verso during 1957 treat, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 6 Adoration of the Magi, verso during 1957 treatment (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, detail of black hatchin, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 7 Adoration of the Magi, detail of black hatching and contour lines (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Infrared photograph of Adoration of the Magi, , ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 8 Infrared photograph of Adoration of the Magi, detail of pentimento at youngest king’s feet (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent, Adoration of the Magi, infrared reflectogram, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 9a Adoration of the Magi, infrared reflectogram. (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent, Detail of underdrawing in Virgin’s mantle, Adoration of the Magi, comp, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 9b Detail of underdrawing in Virgin’s mantle, compared to same detail in normal light. (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Berlin Master of Mary of Burgundy,  Hours of Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian I, fol. 13v: Trinity, 1477/82, Kupfertstichkabinett, Berlin
Fig. 10 Hours of Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian I, fol. 13v: Berlin Master of Mary of Burgundy, Trinity, 1477/82, tempera on parchment, 10.3 x 7 cm. Kupfertstichkabinett, Berlin, 78 B 12 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, photomicrograph of youn, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 11 Adoration of the Magi, photomicrograph of youngest king’s sleeve, showing thinness of paint application and collection of paint in weave interstices, magnification 7x (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, photomicrograph showing, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 12 Adoration of the Magi, photomicrograph showing reddish contours of Joseph’s eyes, magnification 7x (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Adoration of the Magi, detail of Joseph’s cl, ca. 1470, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 13 Adoration of the Magi, detail of Joseph’s cloak (Image: Department of Paintings Conservation, Metropolitan Museum of Art) [side-by-side viewer]
Filippo Lippi,  Standing Male Figure,  ca. 1480, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 14 Filippo Lippi, Standing Male Figure, ca. 1480, soft metalpoint, highlights with white gouache, on ocher prepared paper, 17.5 x 7.5 cm. Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, inv. no. 1998.193 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Meeting of Jacob and Rachel, Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, Christ Church
Fig. 15 Hugo van der Goes, Meeting of Jacob and Rachel, pen and brown ink, brush and brown pigment, white highlights on slate-gray paper, 33.8 x 57.2 cm. Ashmolean Museum, Oxford, Christ Church (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent(?),  Hours of Mary of Burgundy, fol. 99v, The Crucifi,  ca. 1465/70,  Österreichische Nationalbibliothek
Fig. 16 Hours of Mary of Burgundy, fol. 99v: Justus van Ghent(?), The Crucifixion, ca. 1465/70, tempera on parchment, 22.5 x 16.3 cm. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Vienna, Cod. 1587 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,   Trivulzio Hours, fol. 94v, The Crucifixion,  ca. 1470,  Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague
Fig. 17 Trivulzio Hours, fol. 94v: Justus van Ghent, The Crucifixion, ca. 1470, tempera on parchment, 7.8 x 4.5 cm. Koninklijke Bibliotheek, The Hague, SMC 1 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Justus van Ghent,  Livre des faits d’Alexandre le grant, fol. 19,  after 1470,  Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris
Fig. 18 Livre des faits d’Alexandre le grant, fol. 195v: Justus van Ghent, Meeting of Alexander and Roxanne, after 1470, tempera on parchment. Bibliothèque nationale de France, Paris. Ms. fr. 22547 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]

Footnotes

  1. 1. Louis Demonts, “Essai sur Juste de Gand: A propos d’une Adoration des Mages et d’une Mort de la Vierge,” Revue de l’art 25 (1925): 56.

  2. 2. D. Francisco R. de Uhagón, “La copa del Condestable de Castilla,” Revista de archivos, bibliotecas y museos 5 (1901): 116–19; and Ormonde M. Dalton, The Royal Gold Cup in the British Museum (London, 1924).

  3. 3. The Saint Agnes Cup came to England after the regent of France, John of Lancaster, first duke of Bedford, confiscated a large part of the French royal collection in Paris and sent it to England; see the excellent study by Jenny Stratford on the subject: The Bedford Inventories: The Worldly Goods of John, Duke of Bedford, Regent of France (1389–1435) (London: Society of Antiquaries, 1993). The list of the gifts presented to the convent of Santa Clara in Medina de Pomar on May 26, 1610, is copied in the museum archive files on the Saint Agnes Cup in the British Museum; see Stratford, The Bedford Inventories, 325.

  4. 4. The mother of D. Fernández de Velasco, Juana de Córdoba, negotiated the construction of the chapel with the architect Juan de Naveda in 1616; see Celestina Losada Varea, La arquitectura en el otoño del Renacimiento: Juan de Naveda (1590–1638) (Santander: Universidad de Cantabria, 2007), 185–91; see also Floriano Ballesteros Caballero, “Capilla Mayor de la iglesia del monasterio de Santa Clara en Medina de Pomar,” Boletín del seminario de estudìos de arte y arqueología 46 (1980): 493–98. The family genealogy Origen de la Ylustrísima Casa de Velasco por D. Pedro Fernández de Velasco (Madrid, Biblioteca nacional de España, Mss. 3238) was written in the sixteenth century.

  5. 5. For an account of the trip, see D. José Sancho Rayon and D. Francisco de Zabalburu, Coleccion de documentos inéditos para la historia de españa por el marqués de la fuensanta del valle, vol. 71 (Madrid: Miguel Ginesta, 1879), 469–70.

  6. 6. Uhagón, “La copa del Condestable de Castilla,”116; and Dalton, The Royal Gold Cup, 4–6.

  7. 7. We are grateful to Naomi Speakman, curator, Late Medieval Collections, the British Museum, for her assistance in this matter.

  8. 8. Max J. Friedländer, Die Altniederländische Malerei, vol. 3, Dierick Bouts und Joos van Gent, (Berlin: Paul Cassirer, 1925), 84–85.

  9. 9. Demonts, “Essai sur Juste de Gand,” 56–74.

  10. 10. Friedrich Winkler, “Ein voritalienisches Werk des Justus van Gent,” Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst 51, n.s. 27 (1916): 321–27.

  11. 11. See Antoine de Schryver in Juste de Gand, Berruguete et la cour d’Urbino, exh. cat. (Ghent: Musée des beaux-arts, 1957), 32, cat. nos. 1–3; and, on the history of the triptych, Antoine de Schryver and Roger Marijnissen, “Het Calvarie-Drieluik toegeschreven aan Justus van Gent en de bijhorende Predella. Materiële Geschiedenis,” Bulletin de l’Institut royal du patrimoine artistique 4 (1961): 11–12. The article is followed by a description of the painting’s condition and the restoration carried out in 1961.

  12. 12. Vasari, Le vite de’ più eccellenti architetti, pittori et scultori italiani, da Cimabue insino a’ tempi nostri (Florence, 1550; Turin: Einaudi, 1991), 1:68. Melozzo da Forlì however did not work on the Communion of the Apostles. On the Italian documentation of Justus van Ghent, see also Mark L. Evans, “‘Un maestro solenne’: Joos van Wassenhove in Italy,” Nederlands kunsthistorisch jaarboek 44 (1993): 75–110.

  13. 13. Although the painting is in poor condition and abraded to such an extent that the very dense underdrawing composed of primarily parallel lines, with some cross-hatching, is visible, the attribution to Justus van Ghent stands firm. The most recent technical examination has revealed that the painting technique uses Northern European and Italian elements; see Maria L. Amadori, Barbara Fazzari, and Maria P. Morigi, “Le ricerche scientifiche sugli Uomini Illustri,” in Lo studiolo del duca. Il ritorno degli Uomini Illustri alla Corte di Urbino, exh. cat.(Milan: Skira, 2015), 85–100. Parts of the examination results were published by R. Mazzeo, M. Menu, M. L. Amadori et al., “Examination of the Uomini Illustri: Looking for the Origins of the Portraits in the Studiolo of the Ducal Palace of Urbino; Part II,” in Studying Old Master Paintings: Technology and Practice (London: National Gallery of Art, 2011), 44–51.

  14. 14. A seventeenth-century drawing by the French librarian Gabriel Naudé published in 1997 records something that looks like an inscription that is today lost: “Petrus Hispanius pinxit”; see Vladimir Juřen, “Pietro Spagnolo et Juste de Gand: Un dessin inédit d’après le tableau d’autel du Corpus Domini à Urbin,” Revue de l’art 117 (1997): 48–53; and Fernando Marías and Felipe Pereda, “Petrus Hispanus pittore in Urbino,” in Francesco di Giorgio alla corte di Federico da Monteleftro, 1: Il contesto, ed. Francesco Paolo Fiore (Florence: Olschki, 2004), 249–66.

  15. 15. For the identification with Joos van Wassenhove, see Georges Hulin de Loo, “Une note relative au peintre Juste de Gand,” Bulletin de la société d’histoire et d’archéologie de Gand 8 (1900): 68. The attribution of the Crucifixion to Daniel de Rijke was expressed at the Congrès archéologique in Ghent in 1907; see Joseph Destrée, Hugo van der Goes (Brussels: G. van Ost, 1914), 206n1; and Winkler, “Ein voritalienisches Werk des Justus van Ghent,” 312n2. Antoine de Schryver followed this view in 1957; see Juste de Gand, Berruguete et la cour d’Urbino, 23, as did Elisabeth Dhanens, “Tussen de van Eycks en Hugo van der Goes,” Mededelingen van de Koninklijke Academie voor Wetenschappen, Letteren en Schone Kunsten van Belgie, Klasse der Schone Kunsten 45(1984): 1–98.

  16. 16. Winkler, “Ein voritalienisches Werk des Justus van Ghent,” 324–26; Friedländer, Die Altniederländische Malerei, 3:75.

  17. 17. Demonts, “Essai sur Juste de Gand,” 63.

  18. 18. Harry B. Wehle, “A Painting by Joos van Gent,” Metropolitan Museum of Art Bulletin n.s. 2, no. 4 (1943): 136.

  19. 19. See Juste de Gand, Berruguete et la cour d’Urbino, 15.

  20. 20. On the historic documentation that was used by Winkler, Demonts, and others, see A. de Ceuleneer, Justus van Gent (Joos van Wassenhove) (Ghent: Koninklijke Vlaamse Academie voor Taal- en Letterkunde, 1910). See also Friedländer, Altniederländische Malerei, 3:84.

  21. 21. Most recently, Paul Eeckhout, “Hugo van der Goes et le mythe de Joos van Wassenhove,” Bulletin des Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts de Belgique (1992–93): 9–34, tried to assemble several arguments and opinions against the identification and attributed the triptych to Hugo van der Goes instead.

  22. 22. See Hélène Dubois, Herant Khanjian, Michael Schilling, and Arie Wallert, “A Late Fifteenth Century Italian Tüchlein,” Zeitschrift für Kunsttechnologie und Konservierung 11 (1997): 229.

  23. 23. This was observed for the Bouts Entombment in the London National Gallery of Art. The glue size most likely contains small quantities of umber; see David Bomford, Ashok Roy, and Alistair Smith, “The Technique of Dieric Bouts: Two Paintings Contrasted,” National Gallery Technical Bulletin 10 (1986): 44.

  24. 24. For this definition, see Hélène Verougstraete-Marcq and Roger Van Schoute, Cadres et supports dans la peinture flamande aux 15e et 16e siècles (Heure-le-Romain, 1989), 55.

  25. 25. Diane Wolfthal, The Beginnings of Netherlandish Canvas Painting: 1400–1530 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).

  26. 26. For an overview, see Catherine Reynolds, “The Function and Display of Netherlandish Cloth Paintings,” in The Fabric of Images: European Paintings on Textile Supports in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, ed. Caroline Villers (London: Archetype Publications, 2000), 89–98.

  27. 27. See Wolfthal, The Beginnings of Netherlandish Canvas Painting, 20–22; and Paula Nuttall, “‘Panni Dipinti di Fiandra’: Netherlandish Painted Cloths in Fifteenth-Century Florence,” in The Fabric of Images, 109–17.

  28. 28. See Verougstraete-Marcq and Van Schoute, Cadres et supports dans la peinture flamande, 55–59, with examples. The early fifteenth-century Virgin of Le-Puy-en-Velay, for example, shows traces of insect holes on the reverse which were caused by xylophagous insects that infested the original support; see Bruno Mottin, “L’Étude de laboratoire de la Vierge au manteau de Puy-en-Velay,” in La Vierge au Manteau du Puy-en-Velay, ed. Hélène Millet and Claudia Rabel (Lyons: Fage, 2011), 148.

  29. 29. The cloth painters of Bruges for example were forbidden to paint in oil from 1463 onwards, which was demanded from the panel painters, see Wolfthal, The Beginnings of Netherlandish Canvas Painting, 26; and Verougstraete-Marcq and Van Schout, Cadres et supports dans la peinture flamande, 55.

  30. 30. According to Karel van Mander, Pieter Bruegel’s acceptance piece for the Tournai guild of Saint Luke in 1569 was not painted in oil but in watercolors; see Emil D. Bosshard, “Tüchleinmalerei–eine billige Ersatztechnik?” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 45 (1982): 40.

  31. 31. This study was performed in February 2015.

  32. 32. David Bomford, Ashok Roy, and Alistair Smith,“The Techniques of Dieric Bouts: Two Paintings Contrasted,” National Gallery Technical Bulletin 10 (1986): 46. On the Annunciation and the Resurrection, see Cathy Metzger and Diane Wolfthal, Los Angeles Museums, Corpus of Netherlandish Painting 22 (Brussels: Royal Institute for Cultural Heritage, 2014), 46–87.

  33. 33. For the most recent summary of the state of research, see Metzger and Wolfthal, Los Angeles Museums, 75–76.

  34. 34. Infrared reflectography completed with a Merlin Indigo InGaAs near infrared camera with a StingRay macro lens customized for the wavelengths covered by the camera, 0.9 to 1.7 microns.

  35. 35. This is, for example, the case in the Vierge au manteau in Le Puy, and in Bouts’s Annunciation (Los Angeles) and Entombment (London); see notes 23 and 32 above; and, most recently, Cathy Metzger and Diane Wolfthal, Los Angeles Museums, 46–87. Liquid underdrawing has also been detected in sixteenth-century German tüchlein paintings; see Maria Körber, “Zur Maltechnik und Restaurierung der Tüchlein des Halberstädter Heiltumsschrankes, um 1520,” Zeitschrift für Kunsttechnologie und Konservierung 22, no. 1 (2008): 46.

  36. 36. See the study on the slightly later Virgin and Child with Two Female Saints in the National Gallery in London: Ashok Roy, “The Technique of a ‘Tüchlein’ by Quentin Massys,” National Gallery Technical Bulletin 12 (1988): 38–39.

  37. 37. See Bomford and Roy, “The Technique of Dieric Bouts,” 46; and Mark Leonard, Frank Preusser, Andrea Rothe, and Michael Schilling, “Dieric Bouts’s ‘Annunciation’: Materials and Techniques; A Summary,” Burlington Magazine 130, no. 1024 (1988): 520–21; and Metzger and Wolfthal, Los Angeles Museums, 59, 66, nos. 245–46. The latter also pointed out that XRF examination indicated that no metals were present, ruling out the hypothesis that iron-gall ink could have been used.

  38. 38. Examples of the finding of unorthodox underdrawings include the discovery of iron-gall ink in Mantegna’s Saint Jerome in the Desert in the Bonnefantenmuseum, Maastricht, and the possible underdrawing revealed using ultraviolet light in the Entombment by Dieric Bouts in the National Gallery, London. In the latter, no underdrawing could be detected with infrared reflectography, but lines and pentimenti were evident in a UV-fluorescent photograph. It has been suggested that the Entombment formed a group with the California Bouts tüchleins, future examination may provide different conclusions.

  39. 39. A good example is the heads added by illuminators from the circle of Fouquet in the Hours of Louis de Laval (Paris, BnF, Ms. lat. 920); see Les manuscrits à peintures en France. 1440–1520, exh. cat., ed. François Avril and Nicole Reynaud (Paris: Flammarion, 1993), no. 325.

  40. 40. See Hélène Dubois and Lizet Klaassen, “Fragile Devotion: Two Late 15th-Century Italian Tüchlein Examined,” in The Fabric of Images, 68.

  41. 41. The painting had been varnished at least once; a synthetic varnish was removed at the museum in 1978. The treatment reports are kept in the archives of the Sherman Fairchild Center for Painting Conservation, at the Metropolitan Museum of Art.

  42. 42. Pigments were identified using a Bruker Tracer handheld XRF (Summer 2014).

  43. 43. Ibid.

  44. 44. See Bomford and Roy, “The Technique of Dieric Bouts,” 48–49.

  45. 45. See Leonard et al., “Dieric Bouts’s ‘Annunciation,’” 522.

  46. 46. See Metzger and Wolfthal, Los Angeles Museums, 66.

  47. 47. See Mottin, “L’Étude de laboratoire,” 153–55.

  48. 48. Ibid., fig. 134.

  49. 49. On the ground preparation, see Italian Renaissance Drawings: Technical Examination and Analysis, ed. Janet Ambers, Catherine Higgitt, and David Saunders (London: British Museum, 2010), 23–37, esp. 33–36.

  50. 50. On the drawings by Giotto and Taddeo Gaddi, see, most recently, Giotto e compagni, exh. cat., ed. Dominique Thiébaut (Paris: Louvre editions, 2013), cat. nos. 6 and 19. On the drawings in Berlin, see Fantasie und Handwerk: Cennino Cennini und die Tradition der toskanischen Malerei von Giotto bis Lorenzo Monaco, exh. cat., ed. Wolf-Dietrich Löhr and Stefan Weppelmann (Munich: Hirmer, 2008), cat. nos. 14 and 15.

  51. 51. Early examples, such as the London Arresting of Christ (British Museum, P&D, inv. no. 1883-7-14-77) or the Paris Arresting of Christ (Louvre, Département des arts graphiques, inv. no. 18786), silverpoint drawings on prepared paper, with white highlights, exist and seem to borrow some technical particularities from Rhenish and French manuscript illumination; see Early Netherlandish Drawing from Jan van Eyck to Hieronymus Bosch, exh. cat., ed. Fritz Koreny, Erwin Pokorny, and Georg Zeman (Antwerp: Rubenshuis, 2002), cat. no. 1; and Guido Messling, “The Art of Drawing before van Eyck,” in The Road to van Eyck, exh. cat., ed. Stephan Kemperdick and Friso Lammertse (Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans van Beuningen, 2012), 66–68.Early examples, such as the London Arresting of Christ (British Museum, P&D, inv. no. 1883-7-14-77) or the Paris Arresting of Christ (Louvre, Département des arts graphiques, inv. no. 18786), silverpoint drawings on prepared paper, with white highlights, exist and seem to borrow some technical particularities from Rhenish and French manuscript illumination; see Early Netherlandish Drawing from Jan van Eyck to Hieronymus Bosch, exh. cat., ed. Fritz Koreny, Erwin Pokorny, and Georg Zeman (Antwerp: Rubenshuis, 2002), cat. no. 1; and Guido Messling, “The Art of Drawing before van Eyck,” in The Road to van Eyck, exh. cat., ed. Stephan Kemperdick and Friso Lammertse (Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans van Beuningen, 2012), 66–68.

  52. 52. Max J. Friedländer, Die Altniederländische Malerei, vol. 4, Hugo van der Goes (Berlin: Paul Cassirer, 1926), suggested he was at the monastery by Nov. 1475. Later, De Schryver published a document of a house payment by Hugo in Ghent from 1473 to 1477, but Jochen Sander noted that he could have kept the property while living in the cloister, see Antoine de Schryver, “Hugo van der Goes’ laatste jaren te Gent,” Gentse Bijdragen tot de kunstgeschiedenis 16 (1955–56): 193–211; and Jochen Sander, Hugo van der Goes: Stilentwicklung und Chronologie (Mainz: Philp von Zabern, 1992), 16.

  53. 53. See Koreny in Early Netherlandish Drawing from Jan van Eyck to Hieronymus Bosch, 123–24. On the technique, see also Stephanie Buck, “Hugo van der Goes as a Draftsman,” Master Drawings 41, no. 3 (2003): 228–39; and Jochen Sander, “The Meeting of Jacob and Rachel: Hugo van der Goes’ Drawing at Christ Church, Oxford,” Master Drawings 27, no. 1 (1989): 39–52.

  54. 54. See Buck, “Hugo van der Goes,” 229.

  55. 55. Paintings in an extremely oblong format were used to decorate either (marriage) chests or different parts of interior decoration, wall paneling, etc. As an introduction, see Paul Schubring, Cassoni: Truhen und Truhenbilder der italienischen Frührenaissance; Ein Beitrag zur Profanmalerei im Quattrocento (Leipzig: Hirsemann, 1915); and Graham Hughes, Renaissance Cassoni: Masterpieces of Early Italian Art; Painted Marriage Chests 1400–1550 (London: Art Books International, 1997).

  56. 56. See Buck, “Hugo van der Goes,” 228.

  57. 57. See Koreny in Early Netherlandish Drawing from Jan van Eyck to Hieronymus Bosch, 123–24.

  58. 58. Curiously, this motif seems to have attracted the closest attention of the Master of the Virgo inter Virgines, He refers to this model in his Adoration of the Magi in Berlin (Gemäldegalerie, inv. no. 1672), which is in some parts based on the Metropolitan Adoration, and partly also on the altarpiece with the Nativity in Salzburg, ca. 1490 (Salzburg Museum, inv. no. 214-32). Suzanne Sulzberger, “Juste de Gand et l’école de Harlem,” Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art 29 (1960): 49–62, touched on the subject when comparing the Ghent Crucifixion to the work of Geertgen tot Sint Jans; the relation to Northern Netherlandish painters such as the Master of Delft (particularly the Crucifixion triptych of ca. 1510 in the National Gallery, London, inv. no. NG 2922.1-3) needs further investigation.

  59. 59. The most influential early contribution on this master is Otto Pächt, The Master of Mary of Burgundy (London: Faber & Faber, 1948), after his earlier article “The Master of Mary of Burgundy,” Burlington Magazine 85 (1944): 295–301.

  60. 60. See Eberhard Freiherr Schenk zu Schweinsberg, Eberhard Freiherr. “Das Gebetbuch des Graf Engelbert II. von Nassau und seine Meister,“ Nassauische Annalen 86 (1975): 150–51; and Franz Unterkircher and Antoine de Schryver, Gebetbuch Karls des Kühnen vel potius Stundenbuch der Maria von Burgund. Cod. Vind. 1857 der Österreichischen Nationalbibliothek (Graz: Akadem. Drucks- und Verlagsanstalt: 1969), 152, 164.

  61. 61.  Anne van Buren, “The Master of Mary of Burgundy and His Colleagues: The State of Research and Questions of Method,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 38 (1975): 286–309.

  62. 62. Eberhard König, with contributions by Fedja Anzelewsky, Bodo Brinmann, and Frauke Steenbock, Das Berliner Stundenbuch der Maria von Burgund und Kaiser Maximilians (Lachen am Zürichsee: Coron, 1996). The manuscript 78 B 12 (Berlin, Kupferstichkabinett) is the actual book of hours of Mary of Burgundy and Maximilian as it bears their joint coats of arms. As it must have been made around the time of their wedding, it is generally dated around 1480, thus much later than the Vienna Hours (ÖNB, Cod. 1857).

  63. 63. Eberhard König, El libro de Horas Voustre Demeure: Estudio para la edición facsimilar del volumen de Madrid y las miniaturas de Berlín et Filadelfia (Madrid: Patrimonio, 2009); and Eberhard König, “Charles the Bold and the Mary of Burgundy Style: or Who Said ‘Voustre Demeure’?,” in Staging the Court of Burgundy: Proceedings of the Conference “The Splendour of Burgundy (1418–1482); A Multidisciplinary Approach, ed. Wim Blockmans, Till-Holger Borchert, and Anne van Oosterwijk (London: Harvey Miller, 2013)287–99.

  64. 64. Illuminating the Renaissance: The Triumph of Flemish Manuscript Painting in Europe, Exh. cat., edited by Thomas Kren and Scott McKendrick (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, and London: Royal Academy of Arts, 2003–4).

  65. 65. Illuminating the Renaissance, cat. no. 17.

  66. 66. On the illustrated sequence of the short hours of the week with accompanying masses, which will also reappear, for example, in the Rothschild book of hours (private collection), see Kathryn M. Rudy, “The Trivulzio Hours, the Ghent Altarpiece and the Mass as Devotional Subject,” in Staging the Court of Burgundy, 301–23.

  67. 67. See Illuminating the Renaissance, cat. no. 54. It was De Schryver who proposed the identification of the manuscript in Paris with the documented volume paid for in 1470; see Antoine de Schryver, “Prix de l’enluminure et codicologie: Le Point comme unité de calcul de l’enlumineur dans “Le songe du viel pellerin” et “Les faictz et gestes d’Alexandre” (Paris B.N., Fr. 9200-9201 et Fr. 22547),” in Miscellanea Codicologica F. Masai dicata MCMLXXIX, eds. Pierre Cockshaw, Monique-Cécile Garand and Pierre Jodogne (Ghent: E. Stori-Sciencia, 1979), 2:469–76. Kren’s attribution of the Liber Floridus in Chantilly (Ms. 1596) opens interesting questions concerning the aftermath of the individual style found in Fr. 22547 and seems to contradict the idea that the entire group just merges into the graphic style of the “Ghent associates” or workshop of the Master of Mary of Burgundy; for the attribution of the Liber Floridus, see Thomas Kren, “A Flemish Manuscript in France: The Chantilly Liber Floridus,” in Quand la peinture était dans les livres: Mélanges en l’honneur de François Avril, eds. Mara Hofmann and Caroline Zöhl (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 129–38.

  68. 68. This might leave us with the suggestion that the characterized features of the Metropolitan Adoration of the Magi reappear in the Crucifixion miniature of the eponymous Vienna Hours (Cod. 1857, fol. 99v), but are not necessarily as evident in the manuscript’s second full-page miniature attributed to the master, the Nailing to the Cross (fol. 43v). If the latter were removed from the group, the miniature frame with the Portrait of a Lady in the Vienna Hours (fol. 14v) sometimes called Mary of Burgundy would form a more coherent group with the Crucifixion triptych, the Crucifixion in the Vienna Hours, the Crucifixion in the Trivulzio Hours, the miniatures in the Paris Alexander Roman and the Metropolitan tüchlein. Separating the Nailing to the cross would also mean excluding the Nassau Hours (Oxford, Bodleian, Douce 219–20) from the work of the Vienna Master and shrink it to a more strictly defined group that might be worth discussing in another context.

  69. 69. For a study of Van der Goes’s tüchlein paintings see Sander, Hugo van der Goes, 150–53, 162–65, and 188–90. We are grateful to Dr. Stephan Kemperdick, curator at the Gemäldegalerie in Berlin, for sharing the X-radiograph of the Berlin tüchlein with us. It indicates a comparable use of chalk white in the modeling of the faces of the figures in the second row, whereas lead white was used to “sculpt” the faces of the foreground figures.

  70. 70. Nancy Turner, “Macro-XRF Scanning of Illuminations: An Improved Method for Non-Invasive Art Technical Analysis of Illuminated Manuscripts“ (talk presented at the international study day: Inside Illuminations – Art Technical Research and the Illuminated Manuscript, held at KIK/IRPA in Brussels on June 5, 2014) presents an interesting case of identifying zinc-containing iron-gall ink as a drawing medium in Bourdichon’s miniature leaf at the J. Paul Getty Museum. This is a promising result and could initiate the application of µ-XRF also in the study of tüchlein paintings.

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DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2016.8.1.3
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Sophie Scully, Christine Seidel, "A Tüchlein by Justus van Ghent: The Adoration of the Magi in the Metropolitan Museum of Art Re-Examined," Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 8:1 (Winter 2016) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2016.8.1.3