Juan de Flandes and His Financial Success in Castile

During the late fifteenth century, the Netherlandish painter Juan de Flandes traveled to the court of Isabel, queen of Castile and León. He remained in her service until her death and subsequently secured multiple commissions for contributions to large-scale altarpiece projects. The financial documents associated with his career and his works reveal a high level of economic success in comparison to other artists active in Castile, including his fellow court painter Michel Sittow. This investigation into the fiscal opportunities available to a Netherlandish émigré demonstrates the economic power of locally produced Flemish art in sixteenth-century Iberia.

DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2019.11.1.2

Acknowledgements

This research was initially presented at the 2016 Sixteenth Century Society Conference and benefited from the useful discussion, suggestions, probing questions, and encouragement of the organizers, participants, and attendees. I would also like to thank Paul Anderson, April Morris, and Art DiFuria for reading early drafts of this essay, as well as Amanda Dotseth, Balen Vicens, Jeffery Chipps Smith and Dagmar Eichberger for their general guidance. I am especially grateful for the thoughtful critique of the two reviewers. Support was provided by the College of Letters, Arts and Sciences at Metropolitan State University of Denver.

Juan de Flandes,  Isabel la Católica,  ca. 1500–1504.,  Madrid, Palacio Real
Fig. 1 Juan de Flandes, Isabel la Católica, ca. 1500–1504. Madrid, Palacio Real, inv. 10010174 (artwork in the public domain; photo: Album/Art Resource, N.Y.) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes,  The Marriage Feast at Cana, from the Retablo de I,  ca. 1500–1504.,  New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Fig. 2 Juan de Flandes, The Marriage Feast at Cana, from the Retablo de Isabel, ca. 1500–1504. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv. 1982.60.20 (artwork in the public domain; photo: Metropolitan Museum of Art, courtesy of Creative Commons Zero [CC0]) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes,  The Baptism of Christ, central panel from the Ret,  ca. 1500.,  Madrid, private collection
Fig. 3 Juan de Flandes, The Baptism of Christ, central panel from the Retablo de San Juan Bautista, ca. 1500. Madrid, private collection (artwork in the public domain; photo: Album/Art Resource, N.Y.) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes,  Saints Michael and Francis, from the altarpiece o,  ca. 1505–9.,  New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Fig. 4 Juan de Flandes, Saints Michael and Francis, from the altarpiece of the University of Salamanca chapel, ca. 1505–9. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv. 58.132 (artwork in the public domain; photo: Metropolitan Museum of Art, courtesy of Creative Commons Zero – CC0) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes,  Saints Apolonia and Mary Magdalen from the altarp, 1507,  University of Salamanca
Fig. 5 Juan de Flandes, Saints Apolonia and Mary Magdalen from the altarpiece of the University of Salamanca chapel, 1507. University of Salamanca (artwork in the public domain; photo: Wikimedia Commons) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes,  Retablo de San Miguel,  1508/9.,  Salamanca, Cathedral Museum.
Fig. 6 Juan de Flandes, Retablo de San Miguel, 1508/9. Salamanca, Cathedral Museum. (artwork in the public domain; photo: Wikimedia Commons, courtesy of CC BY-SA 3.0 – http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes, Juan Tejerina, Pedro de Guadeloupe, Felipe Bigarny, and Pedro Manso,  Retablo Mayor,  begun in 1504.,  Cathedral of Palencia
Fig. 7 Juan de Flandes, Juan Tejerina, Pedro de Guadeloupe, Felipe Bigarny, and Pedro Manso, Retablo Mayor, begun in 1504. Cathedral of Palencia (artwork in the public domain; photo: author) [comparison viewer]
Sancho de Zamora and Juan de Segovia,  Retablo, Luna Family Chapel, 1488,  Cathedral of Toledo
Fig. 8 Sancho de Zamora and Juan de Segovia, Retablo, Luna Family Chapel, 1488. Cathedral of Toledo (artwork in the public domain; photo: author) [comparison viewer]
Peti Juan, Maestro Rodrigo, Cop’n de Holanda, Sebasi‡n de Almonacid, Felip Bigarny, and others,  Retablo Mayor,  1498–1504.,  Cathedral of Toledo
Fig. 9 Peti Juan, Maestro Rodrigo, Copín de Holanda, Sebasián de Almonacid, Felip Bigarny, and others, Retablo Mayor, 1498–1504. Cathedral of Toledo (artwork in the public domain; photo: author) [comparison viewer]
  1. 1. While the literature concerning Juan de Flandes is extensive, the most recent studies include: Chiyo Ishikawa, The Retablo de Isabel la Católica by Juan de Flandes and Michel Sittow (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004); Pilar Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes (Madrid: Caja Duero, 2006); Maryan Ainsworth, “Juan de Flandes, Chamelean Painter,” in Invention: Northern Renaissance Studies in Honor of Molly Fairies, ed. Julien Chapuis (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 105–21, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1484/M.MEF-EB.3.826; Matthias Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes: Drei Maler aus dem Norden am Hof Isabellas der Katholischen (Kiel: Verlag Ludwig, 2011); Pilar Silva Maroto, “En torno a Juan de Flandes, pintor de corte de Isabel la Católica,” in Maestros en la sombra (Barcelona: Círculo de Lectores, 2013), 25–43; and Pilar Silva Maroto, “On Hispano-Flemish Painting in the Kingdom of Castile,” in Late Gothic Painting in the Crown of Aragon and the Hispanic Kingdoms, ed. Alberto Velesco and Francesc Fité (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 331–40.

  2. 2. For an overview of Juan de Flandes’s oeuvre under Isabel, see E. Haverkamp Begemann, “Juan de Flandes y los Reyes Católicos,” Archivo Español de Arte 25 (1952): 237–47; Elisa Bermejo Martínez, “Viajes a España de un artista flamenco y su importancia en la transición a la Edad Moderna: Juan de Flandes,” in Viajes y viajeros en la España medieval: Actas del V Curso de Cultura Medieval, celebrado en Aguilar de Campóo (Palencia) del 20 al 23 de Septiembre de 1993, ed. Miguel Angel García Guinea (Aguilar de Campóo: Fundación Sta. María la Real, Centro de Estudios del Románico, 1997), 193–212; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 33–48; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 201–56. On Juan’s portraits, see Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 264–74; Carmen García-Frías Checa, “El retrato en las colecciones reales de patrimonio nacional,” in El retrato en las colecciones reales de Patrimonio Nacional: De Juan de Flandes a Antonio López, ed. Carmen García-Frías Checa and Javier Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina (Spain: Patrimonio Nacional, 2014), 98–99. The collection of forty-seven panels known collectively as the Retablo de Isabel includes images attributed to both Juan de Flandes and Michel Sittow. The work was incomplete upon Isabel’s death. The individual panels were sold to help settle the queen’s estate. As the twenty-seven surviving panels are spread through collections in seven countries across two continents, much of the scholarship on this project appears in individual catalogues. On the project as a whole, see K. Justi, “Juan de Flandes, ein niederländischer Hofmaler Isabella der Katholischen,” Jahrbuch der Königlich Preussischen Kunstsammlungen 8 (1887): 157–69; Francisco Javier Sánchez Cantón, “El retablo de la reina católica,” Archivo español de arte y arqueologia 6 (1930): 97–133; Francisco Javier Sánchez Cantón, “Addenda et corrigenda,” Archivo español de arte y arqueologia 7 (1931): 149–52; Elisa Bermejo Martínez, Juan de Flandes: Arte y artistas (Madrid: Instituto Diego Velázquez, 1962), 6–8; Ishikawa, The Retablo de Isabel la Católica, 57–64; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 167–286.

  3. 3. From shortly after arriving in Castile until 1499, Juan de Flandes was given lodging in Miraflores while creating the Retablo de San Juan Bautista (Archivo de la Cartuja de Miraflores, cuaderno 377); see Camilo María Abad Puente, “Documentos inéditos acerca de algunos cuadros flamencos sacados de la Cartuja de Miraflores,” Razón y fe 37 (1913): 87–88; Antonio Ponz, Viaje de España (Madrid: M. Aguilar, 1947), 3:9–10; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 475. Though the wording suggests that Juan primarily resided at the Carthusian chapterhouse, it is likely that he also traveled to visit the court after Isabel vacated Burgos. Juan received a payment of 30,000 mrs. on September 13, 1499, while Isabel was installed in Granada. The payment is recorded in Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fols. 265ʳ; see Antonio de la Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, tesorero de Isabel la Católica, 1492–1502 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1956), 2:444; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 166. For Isabel’s travels that year, see Antonio Rumeu de Armas, Itinerario de los Reyes Católicos, 1474–1516 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Instituto Jerónimo Zurita, 1974), 251–57. Michel Sittow suggested a similar situation when describing his employment during litigation against his father-in-law in 1506. Sittow testified that on the date of his mother’s death, November 25, 1501, he was working in Toledo and that he remained there until May of the following year (Tallin Linnaarhiiv, collection 230, Aa37, I, no. 280, fol. 97); see Paul Johansen, “Meister Michel Sittow, Hofmaler der Königin Isabella von Kastilien und Bürger von Reval,” Jahrbuch der Preussichen Kunstsammlungen 61 (1940): 4; Jazeps Trizna, Michel Sittow, peintre revalais de l’école brugeoise (1468–1525/1526), Les primitifs flamands 3, Contributions à l’étude des primitifs flamands 6 (Brussels: Centre national de recherches “Primitifs flamands,” 1976), 11; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 43–44. During this time payments to Sittow are recorded in the account books of Seville, suggesting that the though the artists would primarily inhabit a specific local for a prolonged period of time they also maintained close contact with the itinerant court (Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduria Mayor, 1 época, leg. 153. s.f.); see Trizna, Michel Sittow, 67; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 469. As the notation references payments to both Michel Sittow and Juan de Flandes, it is likely that the painters traveled together. Juan received payments in Seville, Granada, Madrid, and Medina del Campo. Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 166.

  4. 4. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduria mayor, 1ª epoca, leg. 15, fol. 119.2ᵛ; see Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:320; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468. The assessment of Juan de Flandes’s career as court painter is heavily reliant upon the Isabel’s household books and the payments recorded in the cuentas, or account books, of various royal officials. These are tantalizingly incomplete documents. The cuentas are often the records of a single official and are organized by date. The entries only consistently communicate the monies paid and the recipient. The entry in the cuentas of the royal official Gonzalo de Baeza dated July 12, 1496, is typical. It reads “For another document of the queen, dated the twelfth of July from the said year, to Juan de Flandes, painter, six thousand mrs., that your Highness by her grace paid him for the payment due” (Por otra çedula de la reyna, fecha a doze de jullio desde dicho ano, a Juan de Flandes, pintor, seys mill mrs., de que su Altesa le fiso merced para ayuda de su costa). The unit of account in Spain at this time was often the maravedíes (mrs.), which was relationally defined, with 34 mrs. equivalent to one Real. The ducado, equivalent to the Venetian ducat and valued at 375 mrs., was also used. W. A. Shaw, The History of Currency 1252–1884: Being an Account of the Gold and Silver Monies and Monetary Standards of Europe and America, Together with an Examination of the Effects of Currency and Exchange Phenomenon on Commercial and National Progress and Well Being (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1895; repr., August M. Kelley, 1967), 319–44.

  5. 5. Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 35.

  6. 6. Juan’s compensation is described as a “racion” for paintings, which is to be paid at the end of the following year (Archivo General de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg. 2, no. 1, fol. 291ᵛ); see M. R. Zarco del Valle and Agustín Arques Jover, Documentos inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España (Madrid: Impr. de la viuda de Calero, 1870), 132–34; Antonio de la Torre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica (Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1956), 101; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 467. The designation of an annual sum complicates the reconstruction of Juan de Flandes’s oeuvre. It is almost impossible to know when projects were initiated, the amount of guidance provided by the queen or her designee, or even the mechanisms through which the queen took possession of completed objects. Instead, the payments allotted to Juan de Flandes and Michel Sittow suggest that she maintained the artists on retainer, similar to other court artists across Europe.

  7. 7. For an overview of the many artists associated with Isabel and Fernando, see Rafael Domínguez Casas, Arte y etiqueta de los Reyes Católicos: Artistas, residencias, jardines y bosques (Madrid: Alpuerto, 1993), 120–28; and José Manuel Pita Andrade, “Pintores coetáneos de los Reyes Católicos,” in Isabel la Católica vista desde la Academia, ed. Luis Suárez Fernández (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 2005), 243–74. Michel Sittow, born in Tallinn in 1469, apprenticed in Bruges before receiving employment at the Castilian court. After Isabel’s death, Sittow served several patrons connected to the newly established Spanish-Habsburg family, including Philip the Fair, Margaret of Austria, Henry VII of England, and Christian II of Denmark. For an introduction to Sittow, his training, and his career, see Trizna, Michel Sittow; Endel Köks, “Michel Sittow: A Painter from Tallinn,” Journal of Baltic Studies 9 (1978): 32–49, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1080/01629777800000041; Matthias Weniger, “Bynnen Brugge in Flandern: The Apprenticeships of Michel Sittow and Juan de Flandes,” in Memling Studies: Proceedings of the International Colloquium (Bruges, 10–12 November, 1994), ed. H. Verougstraete, R. Van Schoute, and M. Smeyers (Leuven: Peeters, 1997), 115–31; Anu Mänd, “Michel Sittow and Reval (Tallinn),” in Michel Sittow, 1469–1525: The Artist Connecting Estonia with the Southern Netherlands, ed. Tina Abel (Tallinn: As Pakett, 2001), 3–13; Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 39–164; Greta Koppel, “The Riddle of Michel Sittow’s Art,” in Michel Sittow: Estonian Painter at the Courts of Renaissance Europe, ed. John Oliver Hand and Greta Koppel (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2018), 1–8; and Matthias Weniger, “Michel Sittow: An Artist’s Career,” in Michel Sittow: Estonian Painter at the Courts of Renaissance Europe, ed. John Oliver Hand and Greta Koppel (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2018), 27–38. Francisco Chacón was the first artist employed by Isabel; see Manuel Gómez Moreno, “Francisco Chacón, pintor de la reina católica,” Archivo español de arte 3 (1927): 359–60; and José Manuel Pita Andrade, “Pinturas y pintores de Isabel la Católica,” in Isabel la Católica y el arte, ed. Gonzalo Anes y Álvarez de Castrillón and Carmen Manso Porto (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 2006), 24. Antonio Inglés arrived with the English delegation during the marriage negotiations of Catharine of Aragon to Arthur, Prince of Wales. Although he produced portraits of the Castilian royal children, he remained primarily in the service of the English crown. See Pilar Silva Maroto, “La colección de pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” in Isabel la Católica: La magnificencia de un reinado, quinto centenario de Isabel la Católica, 1504–2004, ed. Fernando Checa Cremades (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal de Conmemoraciones Culturales, 2004), 118; and Pita Andrade, “Pinturas y pintores de Isabel la Católica,” 24. Although Pedro Berruguete was never officially named a court painter, he appears among the artists working on royal projects, including the refurbishment at the Carthusian chapterhouse at Miraflores and the monastery of Santo Tomás in Avíla. Berruguete’s paintings also appear in the queen’s personal collection installed in the Capilla Real of Granada upon her death. For an overview of Berruguete, see Fernando Mariás, “Petrus Hispanus en Urbino y el bastón del Gonfaloniere: El problema Pedro Berruguete en Italia y historiografía española,” Archivo español de arte 75 (2002): 361–80, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.3989/AEARTE.2002.V75.I300.319; Pilar Silva Maroto, Pedro Berruguete: El primer pintor renacentista de la Corona de Castilla (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Léon, Consejería de Educación y Cultura, 2003); Pilar Silva Maroto, “Pedro Berruguete en Castilla,” in Actas del simposium internacinal Pedro Berruguete y su entorno, ed. Rafael Martínez González (Palencia: Diputación de Palencia, 2004), 23–48; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica: Promotora artística (Léon: Edilesa, 2005), 34–46; and Pita Andrade, “Pintores coetáneos de los Reyes Católicos,” 261–62.

  8. 8. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fol. 204ᵛ; see Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:329; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468.

  9. 9. This is likely the earliest work created by Juan de Flandes for the queen. The panels are currently divided between the Cleveland Museum of Art, the Nardoni muzej in Belgrade, the Musée d’art et d’histoire in Geneva, the Museum Mayer van der Bergh in Antwerp, and the Abelló collection in Madrid. See Jozef de Coo and Nicole Reynaud, “Origen del retablo de San Juan Bautista atribuido a Juan de Flandes,” Archivo español de arte 52 (1979): 125–44; Catheline Périer-D’Ieteren, Anne Rinuy, Josef Vynckier, and Léopold Kockaert, “Apport des méthodes d’investigation scientifique à l’étude de deux peintures atribués à Juan de Flandes,” Genava 41 (1993): 107–18; Susan Urbach, “An Ecce Agnus Dei Attributed to Juan de Flandes: A Lost Panel from a Hypothetical Altarpiece,” Jaarboek Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten (2001): 189–207; Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica, 73–74; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 135–37; and Hans Nieuwdorp, ed., Juan de Flandes en het Mirafloresretabel: Gesignaleerd en opgaspoord (Antwerp: Ludion, 2010). On Isabel’s patronage at Miraflores, see Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica, 49–75; and Ronda Kasl, The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), 119–72.

  10. 10. Hans Nieuwdorp, “Kroonjuweel en oorlogsbuit: Het Mirafloresretable van Juan de Flandes,” in Juan de Flandes en het Mirafloresretabel: Gesignaleerd en opgaspoord, ed. Hans Nieuwdorp (Antwerp: Ludion, 2010), 10.

  11. 11. Archivo de la Cartuja de Miraflores (Burgos), Cuaderno 377. Fundación de la Cartuja de Burgos; see Arias de Miranda, Apuntes históricos sobre la cartuja de Miraflores de Burgos (Burgos: Imprinta de Pascual Polo, 1843), 79; Abad Puente, “Documentos inéditos acerca de algunos cuadros flamencos sacados de la Cartuja de Miraflores,” 86; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 475.

  12. 12. John Oliver Hand and Martha Wolff, Early Netherlandish Painting (London: National Gallery of Art, 1986), 123.

  13. 13. Juan de Flandes received his payment for the year 1499 on May 30 from the royal secretary Francisco de Madrid (Archivo General de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales. Leg. 2, num. 1); see Zarco del Valle and Jover, Documentos inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España, 132–34; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 467. On September 13 of the same year, another payment of 30,000 mrs. is recorded by Gonzalo de Baeza, due for 1498: “That you will have from the past year of 1498, the year for which I have an amount due” (que le heran devidos del año pasado de noventa e ocho año de la ración e quitación que tenia) (Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fol. 265ʳ); see Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:444; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468.

  14. 14. Archivo de la Cartuja de Miraflores (Burgos), Cuaderno 377, Fundación de la Cartuja de Burgos; see Miranda, Apuntes históricos sobre la cartuja de Miraflores de Burgos, 79; Abad Puente, “Documentos inéditos acerca de algunos cuadros flamencos sacados de la Cartuja de Miraflores,” 88; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 475.

  15. 15. “por ciertas obras que fizo para su alteza” in Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 42, fol 104; see José Maria de Azcárate, Datos histórico- artisticos de fines del siglo XV y principios del siglo XVI, Documentos para la Histora del Arte en España (Zaragoza: Caja de Ahorros de Zaragoza, 1982), 96; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468. Regrettably, the household records for the disbursal of Juan de Flandes’s annual salary for these years are not currently known to exist.

  16. 16. The payments for 1500 are found in Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fol. 282ᵛ ; see Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:479; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468. The payment for 1501 is located in Archivo General de Simanacas, Casa y Sitios Reales. Leg. 2, num. 1; see Zarco del Valle and Jover, Documentos inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España, 133; Torre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica, 202; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468. The additional 1502 payment is in Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 153, n.f.; see Trizna, Michel Sittow, 67; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 469.

  17. 17. It is important to note that actual amount of monies paid to Juan de Flandes may have even been in excess of this amount. No surviving documentation shows the discharge of the 20,000 mrs. owed for 1497, nor the 10,000 mrs. partial payment for 1501. However it is possible that the two separate payments of 30,000 mrs. in 1500, one given by Gonzalo de Baeza on April 6 and the other by Francisco de Madrid on May 15, were intended to cover this deficit, though this would have resulted in an overpayment, which could have been held against future earnings. Such a shift, though it likely affected his day-to-day liquidity, would have balanced out his annual earnings as expressed in Table 1. See Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15 fol. 282ᵛ, and Archivo General de Simancas, Casa y Sitíos Reales, leg. 43, fol. 121ʳ. See also M. R. Zarco del Valle, Datos documentales para la historia del arte español: II, Documentos de la Catedral de Toledo (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1916), 132–34; Torre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica, 101; Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:479; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 467–68; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 166.

  18. 18. Archivo de la Cartuja de Miraflores (Burgos), Cuaderno 377. Fundación de la Cartuja de Burgos; see Miranda, Apuntes históricos sobre la cartuja de Miraflores de Burgos, 79; Abad Puente, “Documentos inéditos acerca de algunos cuadros flamencos sacados de la Cartuja de Miraflores,” 86; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 475.

  19. 19. Pita Andrade, “Pinturas y pintores de Isabel la Católica,” 24.

  20. 20. Achivo General de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg. 43, 284v; see Zarco del Valle, Datos documentales, 331; Antonio de la Torre y del Cerro, “Michel Sittow, pintor de Isabel la Católica: Su estancia en España,” Hispania: Revista española de historia 71 (1958): 195; Trizna, Michel Sittow, 66; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 41. For dissimilarity in salaries as indicative of differences in esteem, see Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Isabel la Católica: Promotera de las artes,” Reales Sitios 110 (1991): 60, Joaquín Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos: Paisaje artistíco de una monarquia (Madrid: Nerea, 1993), 91; Ishikawa, The Retablo de Isabel la Católica, 46; Rafael Domínguez Casas, “The Artistic Patronage of Isabel the Catholic: Medieval or Modern?,” in Queen Isabel I of Castile: Power, Patronage, Persona, ed. Barbara Weissberger (Woodbridge: Tamesis, 2008), 140; Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 165–66; and Koppel, “The Riddle of Michel Sittow’s Art,” 4.

  21. 21. “Hoy en día el Bautismo, pieza excepcional parece difícil asignarlo a Juan de Flandes, estando más próximo a Michel Sittow, el gran maestro que llega a Castilla antes que Juan de Flandes y cobrará una cantidad fija annual alta, superior a la del otro.” Yarza Luaces, Isabel La Católica, 73. Yarza Luaces hypothesizes that the project may have been initiated by Sittow and then completed by Juan de Flandes or that the central panel of the Baptism of Crist is not the original panel of the altarpiece. Either of these situations would compensate for the lack of reference to Sittow in the documents. Current opinion regarding the attribution of the altarpiece is split. See Ainsworth, “Juan de Flandes, Chameleon Painter,” 105–23, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1484/M.MEF-EB.3.826; Weniger, “Michel Sittow: An Artist’s Career,” 36.

  22. 22. Jeltje Dijkstra, “Origineel en Kopie, Een onderzoeck naar da navolging van der Meester van Flémalle en Rogier van der Weyden” (PhD diss., University of Amsterdam, 1990), 82–108. The literature on the copy of the Miraflores Altarpiece is extensive, including Erwin Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting: Its Origin and Character (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1953), 1:259–64; Max Freidländer, Early Netherlandish Painting, vol. 2, Rogier van der Weyden and the Master of Flémalle (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1967), 45–46, 68; Rainald Grosshans, “Rogier van der Weyden: Der Marienaltar aus der Kartause Miraflores,” Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 23 (1981): 49–112, ; Barbara Lane, “Rogier’s Saint John and Miraflores Altarpieces Reconsidered,” Art Bulletin 60 (1987): 655–72, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1080/00043079.1978.10787614; Jeltje Dijkstra, “Origineel en Kopie,” 78–86, 95–109; Jeltje Dijkstra, “Methods for the Copying of Paintings in the Southern Netherlands in the 15th and Early 16th Centuries,” in Le dessin sous-jacent dans le peinture, ed. Hélène Verougstraete-Marcq and Roger van Schoute (Louvain: Université catholique de Louvain, 1991), 67–76; Catheline Périer- d’Ieteren, “Le retablo de la vierge de la Capilla Real de Granada et les peintres d’Isabelle de Castille,” Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art 67 (1998): 3–26; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 138–43; Ainsworth, “Juan de Flandes, Chamelean Painter,” 121–23, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1484/M.MEF-EB.3.826; Stephan Kemperdick and Jochen Sanders, eds. The Master of Flémalle and Rogier van der Weyden, exh. cat. (Frankfurt: Städel Museum, 2009), 319–20, cat. 30; Peter Klein, “Dendrochronological Analysis of Panel Paintings Belonging to the Master of Flémalle and Rogier van der Weyden Groups,” in The Master of Flémalle and Rogier van der Weyden, ed. Stephan Kemperdick and Jochen Sanders (Frankfurt: Städel Museum, 2009), 167; Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 70–72; Lorne Campbell, ed., Rogier van der Weyden y los reinos de la península Ibérica, exh. cat. (Madrid: Museo del Prado, 2015), 88–97, 148–52; cats. 3 and 15; Lorne Campbell, “Rogier van der Weyden y los reinos ibéricos” in Rogier van der Weyden y los reinos de la península Ibérica, ed. Lorne Campbell (Madrid: Museo del Prado, 2015), 43, 50.

  23. 23. Koppel, “The Riddle of Michel Sittow’s Art,” 4.

  24. 24. Yarza Luaces highlights the difficulty Isabel had in sponsoring artistic projects due to the high military costs of the War of Granada. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 91.

  25. 25. Archivo General de Simancas, contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fol 162ᵛ; see Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:251; Trizna, Michel Sittow, 66; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 41.

  26. 26. Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 41.

  27. 27. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fol 265ʳ; see Torre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica, 445.

  28. 28. This difficulty was not limited to Sittow; Bartolomé Granaja, one of the head gardeners of the Alhambra, had to travel to Toro to claim three years of salary that he was owed. Rafael Domínguez Casas, “La corte y la imagen real” in Los Reyes Católicos y la monarquía de España: Museo del Siglo XIX, Valencia, septiembre-noviembre, de 2004, ed. Lucía Vallejo (España: Sociedad Estatal de Conmemoraciones Culturales, 2004), 93.

  29. 29. Archivo General de Simanacas, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg. 43, fol. 112ʳ; see Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 166.

  30. 30. These payments are recorded in the Archivo General de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg. 43, fols. 135ʳ, 153ʳ, 169ʳ, 172ʳ, and 293ᵛ; see Zarco del Valle, Datos documentales, 132–34; de la Torre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica, 101; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 467–68; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 166.

  31. 31. On June 24, 1503, the royal secretary recorded payment of 20,000 mrs., with half closing out the amount due for 1502 and the remainder against the salary for that year. The balance of 20,000 mrs. was not dispersed until November 15, 1503 (Archivo General de Simanacas, Casa y Sitios Reales. Leg. 2 num. 1); see Zarco del Valle and Jover, Documentos inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España, 133; orre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica, 202; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468.

  32. 32. The use of the assumption that salary correlates to modern notions of quality for attribution purposes is especially problematic, given the lack of a firmly documented oeuvre for Sittow. On the difficulty in connecting documentation to surviving works, see Weniger, “Michel Sittow: An Artist’s Career,” 29–30.

  33. 33. For example, on February 20, 1502, Fernando Ramirez in Seville records payment of 10,000 mrs. to Michael Sittow and 6,000 mrs. to Juan de Flandes (Archivo General de Simancas. Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 153); see Trizna, Michel Sittow, 67; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 469. Although Sittow received a larger sum at this time, his total monies for the year only amounted to approximately 28 percent of those given to Juan de Flandes (table 1).

  34. 34. A similar situation occurred with Michael Sittow, who in 1501 traveled to Flanders with Princess Juana. He received the largest portion of his salary from the ducal court, although he continued to receive a partial salary from Queen Isabel through 1502.

  35. 35. On average, a laborer in Castile earned approximately 22.5 mrs. per day in 1502; see Earl J. Hamilton, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650 (New York: Octagon Books, 1965), 394. That same year vineyard workers in Valladolid received between approximately 20 and 35 mrs. per day, depending on their specific occupation; see Bartolomé Bennassar, Valladolid au siècle d’or, une ville de Castille et sa campage au XVIe sièle (Paris: La Haye, Mouton et Cie, 1967), 295. Juan was compensated at a significantly higher rate, just over 82 mrs. on average per day due to his 30,000 mrs. annual salary in 1502. This comparison between Juan de Flandes and other Castilian workers is admittedly problematic. Although some information survives regarding the pay rates per day, we do not know how many days of work a laborer was able to secure in a year nor what other resources they would have had to capitalize. See Henry Phelps Brown and Sheila V. Hopkins, A Perspective of Wages and Prices (London: Methuen, 1981), 13. Like Juan de Flandes, Castilian workers often received compensation in the form of goods or lodging. In the first half of the sixteenth century Castilian laborers were provided with wine and bread for their midday meal (Hamilton, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 393). Juan de Flandes’s salary is also high in comparison with others employed in the royal household. The head gardeners at the Alhambra, Bartolomé Granaje and Bernal Sebastán, were each paid 18,500 mrs. per year. Domínguez Casas, “La corte y la imagen real,” 93. The lead chaplain of Isabel’s chapel received 30,000 mrs. per year while lesser officiantes received between 7,000 mrs. and 20,000 mrs. depending on their specific position. Domínguez Casas, “La corte y la imagen real,” 94.

  36. 36. My evaluation of the overall value of Isabel’s collection of paintings is based upon the assessment of documentary evidence provided by José Manuel Pita Andrade, who created an extensive list of the paintings documented in Isabel’s collection. Pita Andrade, “Pinturas y pintores de Isabel la Católica,” 32–71. Like many other art patrons of the fifteenth century, the economic value of Isabel’s paintings, and likely her personal assesment of their cultural value, paled in comparison to the value of her tapestries and metalwork. Zalama Rodríguez, “La infructuosa venta en almoneda de las pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” 45–66.

  37. 37. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 192. One panel was sold to Diego Fernández de Cordoba, Alcaide de los Donçeles. Francisca Enriquez de Luna, Marchioness of Denia purchased ten of the major Passion images. The largest number, thirty-two, were acquired by Philip the Fair, who immediately handed the panels over to Diego Flores, an agent of Margaret of Austria. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 199, n.f.; published in Miquel Ángel Zalama, “Felipe I el Hermoso y las artes” in Felipe I el Hermoso: La belleza y la locura, ed. Miquel Ángel Zalama and Paul Van den Broech (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica, 2006), 47n87. See also M. A. Zalama Rodriguez, “La infructuosa venta en almoneda de las pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” Boletín del Seminario de Arte y Arqueología (Arte) 74 (2008): 60–62. The size of the shipment to Flores resulted in the creation of an additional list (Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 189, 3ᵛ-4ʳ); see Ishikawa, The Retablo de Isabel la Católica, 25–27, 169; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 469–70.

  38. 38. For an analysis of the valuation and sale, see Zalama Rodriguez, “La infructuosa venta en almoneda de las pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” 45–66. A small proportion of the paintings, sixty-nine in all, were set aside for installation in the queen’s funerary chapel in Granada. Many of these objects remain in the collection of the Capilla Real of the Cathedral of Granada; see Elisa Bermejo, “Las tablas flamencas,” in El libro de la Capilla Real, ed. José Manuel Pita Andrade (Granada: Copartgraf, 1994), 177–213; Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica, 109–30.

  39. 39. Zalama Rodríguez, “La infructuosa venta en almoneda de las pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” 62–64.

  40. 40. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 192; see Ishikawa, The Retablo de Isabel la Católica, 25–27; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 469–70. Unfortunately, no notation survives indicating the reasons for the varying amounts ascribed to the Retablo de Isabel panels. The surviving paintings are of comparatively equal size and of a consistent quality, though there is some variance as to modern condition due to difference in provenances. The desirability of subject matter may have been taken into consideration; though as the Christ on the Cross painting received the lowest estimate this interpretation is problematic. The average purchase price for Isabel’s total collection was calculated from the amounts published in Pita Andrade, “Pintores coetáneos de los Reyes Católicos,” 32–71.

  41. 41. Azcárate, Datos histórico-artisticos de fines del siglo XV y principios del siglo XVI, 128; Silva Maroto, “La colección de pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” n. 10; and Pita Andrade, “Pinturas y pintores de Isabel la Católica,” 57. The extremely high price garnered by the Bouts triptych was certainly due its exceptional quality in addition to the more general popular desire for Flemish-style paintings in the early sixteenth century. The triptych was not included in the sale at Toro, but instead installed in the Capilla Real in Granada.

  42. 42. This analysis of the value assessments for works alongside the documented remuneration contrasts with the findings of Zalama Rodríguez, who charted a devaluation in royal portraiture by estimating that with a median vaue of only 490 mrs., Sittow would have had to paint 102 portraits each year to justify his 50,000 mrs. salary and Juan de Flandes would have had to paint 60 portraits each year to offset his 30,000 mrs. salary. Zalama Rodríguez, “La infructuosa venta en almoneda de las pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” 53. The 490 mrs. average value for royal portraits in Isabel’s collection is approximately 50 percent of the least valuable panel and only 30 percent of the 1,635.5 mrs. average for panels from the Retablo de Isabel, indicating the significantly higher monetary value of religious images.

  43. 43. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, num. 4, fol. 149ᵛ; see Manuel Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” Boletín de la sociedad española de Castellana 6 (1913–14): 325; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 476. For an introduction to the artistic projects at the University of Salamanca, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 290–98, 362–63. On Juan de Flandes’s projects in Salamanca, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 296–97; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 287–327.

  44. 44. Unfortunately, the object was dismantled before documentation or even detailed descriptions were produced. In addition to the two paintings by Juan de Flandes, two sculptural components created by Felipe Bigarny are held by the Museo de Salamanca. For an analysis of the surviving sculptural elements, see Isabel del Río de la Hoz, El escultor Felipe Bigarny (Madrid: Junta de Castilla y León, 2001), 72–75. The altarpiece is the subject of a plethora of entries in the Libros de claustros held in the Archive of the University of Salamanca. Archivo universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4. See Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” 321–60; Ignace Vandevivère, Catalogue de l’exposition Juan de Flandes (Bruges: Lovaina, 1985), 75–87; Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 296–97; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 475–82.

  45. 45. The true beginnings of the retablo mayor are unknown due to a gap in the university archives stretching from 1481 to 1503. The Burgundian sculptor Felipe Bigarny was approached by a representative of the university in 1503 to create fifteen sculptures for insertion into an already initiated altarpiece project; see Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” 323. The documentary evidence does not articulate why the university officials decided to incorporate paintings, though the shift may have been due to financial considerations. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4 fols. 150ʳ, 150ᵛ, and 151ʳ; see Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 476–77.

  46. 46. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4, fols. 150ʳ -151ʳ; see Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 79–80; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 476–77.

  47. 47. “And that said Juan de Flandes will make the said narratives and images in the said time, very good upon sight and by determination of the masters and to the satisfaction of the university” (e q[ue]l dicho Jua[n] de flandes faga las d[ich]as ystorias e ymagenes en el dicho t[iem]po, muy buenas a v[i]sta e determynaçion de maestros e a contentamy[ent]o de la Universydad,). Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4 fol. 150ᵛ; see Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 476.

  48. 48. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4 fol. 231ᵛ and 257ᵛ; see Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” 325; and Silva Maroto, Juande Flandes, 478.

  49. 49. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4 fols. 265ᵛ and 267ʳ; see Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 80–81; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 479.

  50. 50. The work by Juan de Flandes was inspected on October 9, 1507, and on November 9 he was issued an authorization for a 15,000 mrs. payment. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4, fol. 287ʳ; and Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 5, fol. 7ᵛ and 9ᵛ; see Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 479. The notations regarding payment may coincide with the banco portion of the project, as the amount paid equals the amount promised in the contract.

  51. 51. “in the altarpiece on which was spent much time and many improvements” (en el Retablo que fifo gasto mucho t[iem]po e fiso mejoramy[ent]o). Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 5, fol. 99ʳ -99ᵛ; see Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 81; Yarza Luecas, Los Reyes Católicos, 363; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 480. Unfortunately the documentation does not specify the nature of these improvements. Because only one panel painting is currently known, it is impossible to establish the changes made to the images during their creation. Similar requests for additional compensation were made by the sculptors Gil Silóe and Diego de la Cruz, though this may due to late payments. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 365–66.

  52. 52. Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 297.

  53. 53. On the selection of Flemish paintings over Italian Renaissance forms, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 296.

  54. 54. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 5, fol. 108ʳ and 110ʳ; see Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” 326; Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 86; Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 297; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 481–82. Although the Claustro de la Universidad expressed interest in having Juan de Flandes produce this retablo and drew up a preliminary contract, he did not agree to the 15,000 mrs. budget for the project.

  55. 55. The altarpiece was commissioned from the otherwise unknown local Salamancan painter Anton de Lurrena, who completed the work within one month. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 5, fol. 115ᵛ and 116ʳ. Juan de Flandes found the painting to be excellent and done to perfection in both the figural and narrative scenes. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 5 fols. 115ᵛ and 116ʳ; see Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” 326; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 482. For a discussion of the relationship between Anton and Juan de Flandes, see Olga Pérez Monzón, “Producción artística en la Baja Edad Media: Originalidad y/o copia,” Anales de la Historia del Arte 22, Especial (2012): 109.

  56. 56. The retablo was originally set in a recess above a sculpted sepulcher. Due to the lack of a surviving contract, it is unclear if the Retablo de San Miguel was commissioned by Francisco in advance of his death or by his brother Diego Rodriguez de San Isidro, who was involved contracting of Juan de Flandes for the university chapel. Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 83–85; Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 297; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 307–19.

  57. 57. During the first decade of the sixteenth century, the choir was expanded into the nave and divided into a liturgical choir and cannon’s choir on either side of an open transcept. Antonio Cabeza, La vida en una catedral de antiguo régimen (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Leon, 1997), 42.

  58. 58. Caterina Limentani Virdis and Mari Pietogiovanna, Great Altarpieces: Gothic and Renaissance (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1999), 381.

  59. 59. A drawing by Felipe Bigarny bound between folios 105 and 106 of the Libro de las obras suggests the original construction. Many of the sculpted elements survive in the retablo mayor installation, suggesting the appearance of the original altarpiece. On the drawing, see Jesús San Martín Payo, “El retablo mayor de la Catedral de Palencia: nuevos datos,” Publicaciones de la Institución Tello Téllez de meneses 10 (1953): 287–91; Rio de la Hoz, El escultor Felipe Bigarny, 75–82; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 335.

  60. 60. “By the order of his lordship, it is determined that the central chapel is now the choir and therefore it is necessary that the altarpiece be increased. And therefore his lordship arranged to add to the current work the dictated narrative images and other images, as demonstrated in the sample design signed by his lordship” (por mandado de Su Señoria, se acordó de sopasar la capilla mayor a do agora es el coro y para allí es necesario que el retablo sea mas alto. Y porque Su Señoria acordo de lo añadir con la obra infrasceta que vaya por historias entrepuestas de las otras de ymagines, como está en una muestra que está firmada de Su Señoria). Archivo de la Cathedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ʳ.

  61. 61. For example, the contract specifies that the Crucifixion, Christ Carrying the Cross, and Entombment should measure six by four feet with the Crucifixion slightly larger than the others: “A narrative image of the crucifixion and another of how Jesus carries the cross on his back and another of how he is buried, each of six feet in length and four in height, except the crucifixion which will be a little wider than the others” (una historia del Crucifixo y otra de cómo lieva al Jesu la cruz a cuestas y otra de como le sepultan, de cada seis pies de largo y quarto en ancho, syno la del Crucifixo sea un xeme mas ancha que las otras). Archivo de la Cathedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ʳ.

  62. 62. “And that is made and painted by the brush of the said Juan de Flandes by his own hand . . . and that it is all done to perfection” (y que lo haga y pinte de pincel el dicho Juan de Flandesde su propia mano y no de otra . . . y que lo faga y acabe en perfeçion,). Archivo de la Catedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ʳ; see Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 492.

  63. 63. “The altarpiece in the Roman Style and images that are made for the choir of the church of Palencia” (el retablo de talla Romano y ymaginería que se faze para la capilla mayor de la iglesia de Palencia). Archivo de la Catedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ʳ. The 1504 contract notes that this style should be modeled after an altarpiece in the Colegio de Santa Cruz of Valladolid: “The altarpiece of the college of the Lord cardinal that is in the city of Valladolid, that is in the style and manner of antiquity and the Romans” (retablo del collegio del Señor cardinal que está en la villa de Valladolid, que es al modo e manera de lo antiguo e romano). Archivo de la Catedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 94ʳ. See San Martín Payo, “El retablo mayor de la Catedral de Palencia: Nuevos datos,” 283; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 334.

  64. 64. John F. O’Hara, “Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca: First President of the Indies (1493–1523),” Catholic Historical Review 3 (1917): 132. During his sojourn Fonseca had acquired the Triptych of the Seven Sorrows of the Virgin attributed to Jan Joest van Kalcar (ca. 1455–1519), which was installed on the trascoro altar in Palencia. The wings of the triptych are completely covered by a black ground with gold script combining a devotional prayer with an account of the provenance. Karl Justi, Miscellaneen aus drei Jahrhunderten spanischen Kunstlebens (Berlin: G. Grote, 1908), 1:329–31; Chandler Post, “A Second Retable by Jan Joest in Spain,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts 22 (1942): 127–34; Ulrike Wolff-Thomsen, Jan Joest von Kalkar, en niederländischer Maler um 1500: Schriften der Heresbach-Stiftung Kalkar (Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 1997), 43–114, 349–53; and Lioba Schollmeyer, Jan Joest: Ein Beitrag zur Kunstgeschichte des Rheinlandes um 1500, Schriften der Heresback-Stiftung Kalkar (Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 2004), 295–342. For a general overview of Fonseca’s patronage and his preference for northern European luxury goods, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 183–90; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Comercio artístico Flandes-reinos hispanos” in La pintura gótica hispanoflamenca: Bartolomé Bermejo y su época, ed. Francesc Ruiz Quesada (Barcelona: Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, 2003), 107–17.

  65. 65. Archivo de la Catedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ʳ and 90ᵛ; see Ignace Vandevivère, La cathédrale de Palencia et l’église paroissiale de Cervera de Pisuerga (Brussels: Ministère de l’Education national et de la Culture, 1967), 66–67. Two additional scenes painted by Juan de Flandes while in Palencia, a Descent from the Cross and a Pieta were never installed into the altarpiece. The images were removed from the cathedral and are today in a private collection in Madrid; see Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 85. Payments were made throughout the duration of the production process and ranged from 2,500 mrs. disbursed directly to the landlord of Juan de Flandes’s house in Palencia, to larger lump-sum payments reaching a total of 50,000 mrs. with little explanation as to the reasons for this seemingly sporadic payment schedule. Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ᵛ -91ᵛ. See Vandevivère, La cathédrale de Palencia, 69–71; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 493–96.

  66. 66. Before the completion of the panels by Juan de Flandes in 1519, a third bishop, Juan de Velasco (?–1520), commissioned a large crowning assemblage including a Calvary scene from the sculptors Pedro Manso and Juan de Balmaseda. In 1529, only two years after the initial installation, the central panel by Juan de Flandes, the Crucifixion, was exchanged for a sculpted image of Saint Antolín and in 1559 the banco was replaced. The Crucifixion was acquired by the Prado museum in 2005. Between 1522 and 1525 additional panels were created, depicting the Visitation and the Adoration of the Magi, by Juan Tejerina, stylistically based on the paintings by Juan de Flandes. See Virdis and Pietogiovanna, Great Altarpieces, 381; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 342–43. Juan de Flande’s strong presence in Palencia had a dominant impact on the stylistic evolution of the region. Pilar Silva Maroto, “Notas sobre la pintura del primer tercio del XVI in Palencia,” in Actas del VIII Congreso Nacional de Historia del Arte, Cáceres (Mérida: Editora Regional de Extramadura, 1993), 323–30; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 578–83; Pilar Silva Maroto, “Pintura y sociedad en Castilla en época de los Reyes Católicos,” in Imágenes y promotores en el arte medieval: Miscelánea en homenaje a Joaquín Yarza Luaces, ed. M. Luisa Melero (Barcelona: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2001), 624.

  67. 67. Judith Berg Sobré, Behind the Altar Table: The Development of the Painted Retable in Spain, 1350–1500 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1989), 41–46. For a comparison of the Castilian retablo mayor to other Iberian altarpiece configurations, see Sobré, Behind the Altar Table, 133–55; and Justin. E. A. Kroesen, Staging the Liturgy: The Medieval Altarpiece in the Iberian Peninsula, Liturgia Condenda (Leuven: Peeters, 2009), 86–89, 95–98, 102–8, 110–128. For an overview of the remuneration of Spanish artists, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 364–66.

  68. 68. For an overview on the impact of different elements on Spanish retablo prices, see Sobré, Behind the Altar Table, 31–48.

  69. 69. My interpretation of Castilian altarpiece prices is based on the collection material published in Appendix 3, Table 1 of Sobré, Behind the Altar Table, 344–47.

  70. 70. Sobré, Behind the Altar Table, 49–52.

  71. 71. C. González Palencia, “La Capilla de Don Álvaro de Luna en la catedral de Toledo,” Archivo Español de Arte 5 (1929): 118–21; Sobré, Behind the Altar Table, 318–25; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, La nobleza ante el rey: Los grandes linajes castellanos y el arte en el siglo XV (Madrid: Ediciones El Viso, 2003), 134; and Kasl, The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style, 40–42.

  72. 72. Archivo de la Obra y Fábrica, Toledo Cathedral, 798 fol. 93ʳ; see Jesusa Viver-Sánchez Merino-Pérez, “Documentos sobre arte y artistas en el Archivo de Obra y Fábrica de la Catedral de Toledo: 1500–1549” (PhD diss., Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 1990), 24–25.

  73. 73. Kroesen, Staging the Liturgy, 366–72.

  74. 74. For an introduction to Isabel’s aesthetics and artistic predilections, see Yarza Luaces, “Isabel la Católica: Promotera de las artes,” 57–64; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Gusto y promotor en la época de los Reyes Católicos,” Ephialte. Lectureas de Historia del Arte 3 (1992): 51–70; Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica: Promotera de las artes,” 57–64; Domínguez Casas, Arte y etiqueta de los Reyes Católicos; Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos; Silva Maroto, “Pintura y sociedad en Castilla en época de los Reyes Católicos,” 619–31; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Isabel la Católica, coleccionista: ¿sensibilidad estética o devoción?,” in Arte y cultura en la época de Isabel la Católica: Ponencias presentados al III Simposio sobre el reinado de Isabel la Católica, ed. Julio Valdeón Baruque (Valladolid: Ambito Ediciones, 2003), 222–38, 243–44; Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica, 77–101; Jessica Weiss, “Isabel of Castile, Flemish Aesthetics, and Identity Construction in the Works of Juan de Flandes,” (PhD diss., University of Texas, 2014), 81–109. The interest in and use of northern European luxury goods to communicate an elevated social status has a long history in Spain. For connections between Isabel and the stylistic preferences of previous Castilian kings, see Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica, 77–83; Weiss, “Isabel of Castile, Flemish Aesthetics, and Identity Construction in the Works of Juan de Flandes,” 63–70. Ronda Kasl has traced the taste for Flemish and Hispano-Flemish funerary sculpture to nobles and merchants, especially in the environs of Burgos; Kasl, The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style, 36–89. For a more general introduction to the ways Castilian nobles used visual culture, including Flemish and Hispano-Flemish objects, to promote their own interests, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 221–62; José Manuel Nieto Soria, “La noblezas de Castilla” in Los Reyes Católicos y la monarquia de España: Museo del Siglo XIX, Valencia, Septiembre-Noviembra de 2004, ed. Lucía Vallejo (Valencia: Sociedad Estatal de Conmemoraciones Culturales, 2004), 153–86; and Yarza Luaces, La nobleza ante el rel.

  75. 75. Neil de Marchi and J. van Miegroet, “Exploring Markets for Netherlandish Paintings in Spain and Nueva España,” in Kunst voor de markt 1500–1700, ed. Reindert Falkenburg (Zwolle: Waanders, 2000), 81–111; Marina Belozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance: Burgundian Arts Across Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 160–79; Pilar Silva Maroto, “Flanders and the Kingdom of Castile,” in Age of Van Eyck: The Mediterranean World and Early Netherlandish Painting, 1430–1530, ed. Till-Holger Borchert (New York: Thames & Hudson, 2002), 142–55; Marie-Tere Alvarez, “The Art Market in Renaissance Spain: From Flanders to Castile” (PhD diss., University of Southern California, 2003); Yarza Luaces, “Comercio atístico Flandes-reinos hispanos,” 107–17; Didier Martens, Peinture flamande et gout ibérique aux XVème et XVIème siècles (Brussels: Le Livre Timperman, 2010); Kasl, The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style, 7–30; Pilar Silva Maroto, “Las relaciones artísticas entre Flandes y Castilla en el siglo XV,” in Aragón y Flandes: Un encuentro artístico (siglos XV-XVII), ed. María García Soria and María Bayón Perales (Zaragoza: Universidad Zaragoza, 2015), 67–76; Noelia García Pérez, “Gender, Representation and Power: Female Patronage of Netherlandish Art in Renaissance Spain,” in Netherlandish Art and Luxury Goods in Renaissance Spain, ed. Daan van Heesch, Robrecht Janssen, and Jan van der Stock (Turnhout: Brepols, 2018), 181–200; Didier Martens “Les primitifs flamands et leur ‘réception’ dans la peinture castillane de la fin du Moyen Âge,” in Late Gothic Painting in the Crown of Aragon and the Hispanic Kingdoms, ed. Alberto Velesco and Francesc Fité (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 264–96; Silva Maroto, “On Hispano-Flemish Painting in the Kingdom of Castile,” 297–340. Isabel’s interest in Flemish art was not limited to paintings but also included several hundred tapestries, a medium with a greater economic and cultural value. See Francisco Javier Sánchez Cantón, Libros, tapices y cuadros que coleccionó Isabel la Católica (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1950), 89–150; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Reinas promotoras, colecciones dispersas,” in A la manera de Flandes. Tapices ricos de la Corona de España, ed. Concha Herrero Carretero, Lourdes de Luis Serra, and Joaquín Yarza Luaces (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2001), 11–32; Yarza Luaces, “Comercio artístico Flandes-reinos hispanos,” 112; C. H. Carretero, Tapices de Isabel la Católica: Origen de la colección real Española (Madrid: Patrimonial Nacional, 2004); Guy Delmarcel, “La collection de tapisseries de la reina Isabelle de Castille (1451–1504): Quelques réflexions critiques,” in El arte in la corte de los Reyes Católicos: Rutas artísticas a principios de la Edad moderna, ed. Fernando Checa and Bernardo J. García (Madrid: Fundación Carlos Amberes, 2005), 287–303.

  76. 76. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 381–82; Silva Maroto, “Pintura y sociedad en Castilla en época de los Reyes Católicos,” 622, 629; Yarza Luaces, La nobleza ante el rey, 219–48; Ignace Vandevivere, “Berruguete versus Juan de Flandes. Pequeña nota hispanoflamenca,” in Actas symposium internacional Pedro Berruguete y su entorno, ed. Rafael Martínez González (Palencia: Diputación de Palencia, 2004), 49. Italian models, though not completely absent in fifteenth-century Iberia or even from Isabel’s personal collection of paintings, were significantly outnumbered by those from northern Europe. Yarza Luaces, “Isabel la Católica coleccionista,” 222–44; Weiss, “Isabel of Castile, Flemish Aesthetics, and Identity Construction in the Works of Juan de Flandes,” 87–89. For an interpretation of Isabel’s preference for Flemish artworks over those of quattrocento Italy, see Silva Maroto, “La colección de pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” 115–26; Domínguez Casas, “La corte y la imagen real,” 78–87; Domínguez Casas, “The Artistic Patronage of Isabel the Catholic,” 123–48. The shifts in stylistic plurality coincided with sociopolitical boundaries; the interest in Italianate forms was strongest in the Aragonese empire, especially in Valencia, which existed in a Mediterranean milieu. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 381–85; Yarza Luaces, “Entre Flandes e Italy,” 313–28. Isabel’s aesthetic preference for Flemish art is so dominant that in 1911 Émile Betraux described the Hispano-Flemish art and architecture from this period as the “Isabelline Style.” Émile Betraux, La Renaissance en Espagne et Portugal, vol. 4–5 of Histoire de l’art depuis les premiers temps chrétiens jusqu’s nos jours (Paris: Armand Colin, 1912), 5:821–27. The use of this term, including its orientalizing connotations, has been challenged. Yarza Luaces, “Isabel la Católica, coleccionista,” 219–22; Roberto González Ramos, “The Hispano-Islamisms of Juan Guas: The Fabrication of a Historiographical Stereotype,” Mirabilia Ars 2 (2015): 104–39.

  77. 77. Isabel’s magnificence was used to support her political ambitions, both domestic and abroad. For example, sumptuous displays were used to awe ambassadors to Castile during the marriage negotiations of Isabel’s children. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 86–114; Domínguez Casas, “La corte y la imagen real,” 75–96; Weiss, “Isabel of Castile, Flemish Aesthetics, and Identity Construction in the Works of Juan de Flandes,” 97–114.

  78. 78. The documentation in Salamanca suggests this, as it mentions a connection to former servants in Isabel’s employ. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 298. Although it is unknown exactly how Juan de Flandes came to the attention of the bishop of Palencia, there are multiple connections to Salamanca. Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca was the nephew of Alonso de Fonseca y Ulloa (1440–1512), the archbishop of Santiago de Compostela, who was involved in projects at the church of San Benito in Salamanca. Yarza Luaces, Los Reys Católicos, 293. The sculptural components for both the altarpiece for the University of Salamanca and the Cathedral of Palencia were created primarily by Felipe Bigarny.

  79. 79. Yarza Luaces hypothesized that foreign immigrant artists were paid exceptionally well in late fifteenth-century Castile because of the quality of their work. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 374. On the use of oil as a binder by painters in Spain, see Judith Berg Sobré, “Sobre Bartolomé Bermejo,” in La pintura gótica hispanoflamenca: Bartolomé Bermejo y su época, ed. S. Alcolea y Blanch (Barcelona: MNAC, 2003), 19–27; Enrique Parra Crego, “Los materiales de la pintura española sobre tabla del Renacimiento: El caso particular de Pedro Berruguete,” in Actas del simposium intercacional Pedro Berruguete y su entorno, ed. Rafael Martínez González (Palencia: Diputación de Palencia, 2004), 421–26; Judith Berg Sobré, “El retablo de la nieve de Bartolomé Bermejo y Martín Bernat y el retablo de Juan Lobera para el claustro del Pilar,” Goya, Revista de Arte 307–8 (2005): 215–24; and Claire Barry, “The Making of the Ciudad Real Altarpiece” in Fernando Gallego and His Workshop: The Altarpiece from Ciudad Rodrigo, Paintings from the Collection of the University of Arizona Museum of Art, ed. Amanda Dotseth, Barbara Anderson, and Mark Roglán (Dallas: Southern Methodist University, Meadows Museum, 2008), 147–245.

  80. 80. H. Pietschmann, “El problema del ‘nacionalismo’ en España en la edad moderna. La resistencia de Castilla contra el Emperador Carlos V,” Hispania 180 (1992): 83–106; I. A. A. Thompson, “Castile, Spain and the Monarchy: The Political Community from Patria Natural to Patria Nacional,” in Spain, Europe, and the Atlantic World: Essays in Honor of John H. Elliot, ed. Richard Kagan and Geoffrey Parker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 125–59, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1017/CBO9780511523397.007.

  81. 81. Jessica Weiss, “Relics of Los Reyes Católicos: The Retablo de Isabel and Spanish-Habsburg Dynastic Heirlooms,” in Imagery and Ingenuity in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honor of Jeffery Chipps Smith ed. Catharine Ingersoll, Jessica Weiss, and Alisa McCusker (Turnhout: Brepols, 2018), 165-180.

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List of Illustrations

Juan de Flandes,  Isabel la Católica,  ca. 1500–1504.,  Madrid, Palacio Real
Fig. 1 Juan de Flandes, Isabel la Católica, ca. 1500–1504. Madrid, Palacio Real, inv. 10010174 (artwork in the public domain; photo: Album/Art Resource, N.Y.) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes,  The Marriage Feast at Cana, from the Retablo de I,  ca. 1500–1504.,  New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Fig. 2 Juan de Flandes, The Marriage Feast at Cana, from the Retablo de Isabel, ca. 1500–1504. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv. 1982.60.20 (artwork in the public domain; photo: Metropolitan Museum of Art, courtesy of Creative Commons Zero [CC0]) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes,  The Baptism of Christ, central panel from the Ret,  ca. 1500.,  Madrid, private collection
Fig. 3 Juan de Flandes, The Baptism of Christ, central panel from the Retablo de San Juan Bautista, ca. 1500. Madrid, private collection (artwork in the public domain; photo: Album/Art Resource, N.Y.) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes,  Saints Michael and Francis, from the altarpiece o,  ca. 1505–9.,  New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art
Fig. 4 Juan de Flandes, Saints Michael and Francis, from the altarpiece of the University of Salamanca chapel, ca. 1505–9. New York, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, inv. 58.132 (artwork in the public domain; photo: Metropolitan Museum of Art, courtesy of Creative Commons Zero – CC0) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes,  Saints Apolonia and Mary Magdalen from the altarp, 1507,  University of Salamanca
Fig. 5 Juan de Flandes, Saints Apolonia and Mary Magdalen from the altarpiece of the University of Salamanca chapel, 1507. University of Salamanca (artwork in the public domain; photo: Wikimedia Commons) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes,  Retablo de San Miguel,  1508/9.,  Salamanca, Cathedral Museum.
Fig. 6 Juan de Flandes, Retablo de San Miguel, 1508/9. Salamanca, Cathedral Museum. (artwork in the public domain; photo: Wikimedia Commons, courtesy of CC BY-SA 3.0 – http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/3.0) [comparison viewer]
Juan de Flandes, Juan Tejerina, Pedro de Guadeloupe, Felipe Bigarny, and Pedro Manso,  Retablo Mayor,  begun in 1504.,  Cathedral of Palencia
Fig. 7 Juan de Flandes, Juan Tejerina, Pedro de Guadeloupe, Felipe Bigarny, and Pedro Manso, Retablo Mayor, begun in 1504. Cathedral of Palencia (artwork in the public domain; photo: author) [comparison viewer]
Sancho de Zamora and Juan de Segovia,  Retablo, Luna Family Chapel, 1488,  Cathedral of Toledo
Fig. 8 Sancho de Zamora and Juan de Segovia, Retablo, Luna Family Chapel, 1488. Cathedral of Toledo (artwork in the public domain; photo: author) [comparison viewer]
Peti Juan, Maestro Rodrigo, Cop’n de Holanda, Sebasi‡n de Almonacid, Felip Bigarny, and others,  Retablo Mayor,  1498–1504.,  Cathedral of Toledo
Fig. 9 Peti Juan, Maestro Rodrigo, Copín de Holanda, Sebasián de Almonacid, Felip Bigarny, and others, Retablo Mayor, 1498–1504. Cathedral of Toledo (artwork in the public domain; photo: author) [comparison viewer]

Footnotes

  1. 1. While the literature concerning Juan de Flandes is extensive, the most recent studies include: Chiyo Ishikawa, The Retablo de Isabel la Católica by Juan de Flandes and Michel Sittow (Turnhout: Brepols, 2004); Pilar Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes (Madrid: Caja Duero, 2006); Maryan Ainsworth, “Juan de Flandes, Chamelean Painter,” in Invention: Northern Renaissance Studies in Honor of Molly Fairies, ed. Julien Chapuis (Turnhout: Brepols, 2008), 105–21, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1484/M.MEF-EB.3.826; Matthias Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes: Drei Maler aus dem Norden am Hof Isabellas der Katholischen (Kiel: Verlag Ludwig, 2011); Pilar Silva Maroto, “En torno a Juan de Flandes, pintor de corte de Isabel la Católica,” in Maestros en la sombra (Barcelona: Círculo de Lectores, 2013), 25–43; and Pilar Silva Maroto, “On Hispano-Flemish Painting in the Kingdom of Castile,” in Late Gothic Painting in the Crown of Aragon and the Hispanic Kingdoms, ed. Alberto Velesco and Francesc Fité (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 331–40.

  2. 2. For an overview of Juan de Flandes’s oeuvre under Isabel, see E. Haverkamp Begemann, “Juan de Flandes y los Reyes Católicos,” Archivo Español de Arte 25 (1952): 237–47; Elisa Bermejo Martínez, “Viajes a España de un artista flamenco y su importancia en la transición a la Edad Moderna: Juan de Flandes,” in Viajes y viajeros en la España medieval: Actas del V Curso de Cultura Medieval, celebrado en Aguilar de Campóo (Palencia) del 20 al 23 de Septiembre de 1993, ed. Miguel Angel García Guinea (Aguilar de Campóo: Fundación Sta. María la Real, Centro de Estudios del Románico, 1997), 193–212; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 33–48; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 201–56. On Juan’s portraits, see Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 264–74; Carmen García-Frías Checa, “El retrato en las colecciones reales de patrimonio nacional,” in El retrato en las colecciones reales de Patrimonio Nacional: De Juan de Flandes a Antonio López, ed. Carmen García-Frías Checa and Javier Jordán de Urríes y de la Colina (Spain: Patrimonio Nacional, 2014), 98–99. The collection of forty-seven panels known collectively as the Retablo de Isabel includes images attributed to both Juan de Flandes and Michel Sittow. The work was incomplete upon Isabel’s death. The individual panels were sold to help settle the queen’s estate. As the twenty-seven surviving panels are spread through collections in seven countries across two continents, much of the scholarship on this project appears in individual catalogues. On the project as a whole, see K. Justi, “Juan de Flandes, ein niederländischer Hofmaler Isabella der Katholischen,” Jahrbuch der Königlich Preussischen Kunstsammlungen 8 (1887): 157–69; Francisco Javier Sánchez Cantón, “El retablo de la reina católica,” Archivo español de arte y arqueologia 6 (1930): 97–133; Francisco Javier Sánchez Cantón, “Addenda et corrigenda,” Archivo español de arte y arqueologia 7 (1931): 149–52; Elisa Bermejo Martínez, Juan de Flandes: Arte y artistas (Madrid: Instituto Diego Velázquez, 1962), 6–8; Ishikawa, The Retablo de Isabel la Católica, 57–64; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 167–286.

  3. 3. From shortly after arriving in Castile until 1499, Juan de Flandes was given lodging in Miraflores while creating the Retablo de San Juan Bautista (Archivo de la Cartuja de Miraflores, cuaderno 377); see Camilo María Abad Puente, “Documentos inéditos acerca de algunos cuadros flamencos sacados de la Cartuja de Miraflores,” Razón y fe 37 (1913): 87–88; Antonio Ponz, Viaje de España (Madrid: M. Aguilar, 1947), 3:9–10; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 475. Though the wording suggests that Juan primarily resided at the Carthusian chapterhouse, it is likely that he also traveled to visit the court after Isabel vacated Burgos. Juan received a payment of 30,000 mrs. on September 13, 1499, while Isabel was installed in Granada. The payment is recorded in Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fols. 265ʳ; see Antonio de la Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, tesorero de Isabel la Católica, 1492–1502 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1956), 2:444; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 166. For Isabel’s travels that year, see Antonio Rumeu de Armas, Itinerario de los Reyes Católicos, 1474–1516 (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, Instituto Jerónimo Zurita, 1974), 251–57. Michel Sittow suggested a similar situation when describing his employment during litigation against his father-in-law in 1506. Sittow testified that on the date of his mother’s death, November 25, 1501, he was working in Toledo and that he remained there until May of the following year (Tallin Linnaarhiiv, collection 230, Aa37, I, no. 280, fol. 97); see Paul Johansen, “Meister Michel Sittow, Hofmaler der Königin Isabella von Kastilien und Bürger von Reval,” Jahrbuch der Preussichen Kunstsammlungen 61 (1940): 4; Jazeps Trizna, Michel Sittow, peintre revalais de l’école brugeoise (1468–1525/1526), Les primitifs flamands 3, Contributions à l’étude des primitifs flamands 6 (Brussels: Centre national de recherches “Primitifs flamands,” 1976), 11; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 43–44. During this time payments to Sittow are recorded in the account books of Seville, suggesting that the though the artists would primarily inhabit a specific local for a prolonged period of time they also maintained close contact with the itinerant court (Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduria Mayor, 1 época, leg. 153. s.f.); see Trizna, Michel Sittow, 67; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 469. As the notation references payments to both Michel Sittow and Juan de Flandes, it is likely that the painters traveled together. Juan received payments in Seville, Granada, Madrid, and Medina del Campo. Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 166.

  4. 4. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduria mayor, 1ª epoca, leg. 15, fol. 119.2ᵛ; see Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:320; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468. The assessment of Juan de Flandes’s career as court painter is heavily reliant upon the Isabel’s household books and the payments recorded in the cuentas, or account books, of various royal officials. These are tantalizingly incomplete documents. The cuentas are often the records of a single official and are organized by date. The entries only consistently communicate the monies paid and the recipient. The entry in the cuentas of the royal official Gonzalo de Baeza dated July 12, 1496, is typical. It reads “For another document of the queen, dated the twelfth of July from the said year, to Juan de Flandes, painter, six thousand mrs., that your Highness by her grace paid him for the payment due” (Por otra çedula de la reyna, fecha a doze de jullio desde dicho ano, a Juan de Flandes, pintor, seys mill mrs., de que su Altesa le fiso merced para ayuda de su costa). The unit of account in Spain at this time was often the maravedíes (mrs.), which was relationally defined, with 34 mrs. equivalent to one Real. The ducado, equivalent to the Venetian ducat and valued at 375 mrs., was also used. W. A. Shaw, The History of Currency 1252–1884: Being an Account of the Gold and Silver Monies and Monetary Standards of Europe and America, Together with an Examination of the Effects of Currency and Exchange Phenomenon on Commercial and National Progress and Well Being (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1895; repr., August M. Kelley, 1967), 319–44.

  5. 5. Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 35.

  6. 6. Juan’s compensation is described as a “racion” for paintings, which is to be paid at the end of the following year (Archivo General de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg. 2, no. 1, fol. 291ᵛ); see M. R. Zarco del Valle and Agustín Arques Jover, Documentos inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España (Madrid: Impr. de la viuda de Calero, 1870), 132–34; Antonio de la Torre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica (Madrid: C.S.I.C., 1956), 101; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 467. The designation of an annual sum complicates the reconstruction of Juan de Flandes’s oeuvre. It is almost impossible to know when projects were initiated, the amount of guidance provided by the queen or her designee, or even the mechanisms through which the queen took possession of completed objects. Instead, the payments allotted to Juan de Flandes and Michel Sittow suggest that she maintained the artists on retainer, similar to other court artists across Europe.

  7. 7. For an overview of the many artists associated with Isabel and Fernando, see Rafael Domínguez Casas, Arte y etiqueta de los Reyes Católicos: Artistas, residencias, jardines y bosques (Madrid: Alpuerto, 1993), 120–28; and José Manuel Pita Andrade, “Pintores coetáneos de los Reyes Católicos,” in Isabel la Católica vista desde la Academia, ed. Luis Suárez Fernández (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 2005), 243–74. Michel Sittow, born in Tallinn in 1469, apprenticed in Bruges before receiving employment at the Castilian court. After Isabel’s death, Sittow served several patrons connected to the newly established Spanish-Habsburg family, including Philip the Fair, Margaret of Austria, Henry VII of England, and Christian II of Denmark. For an introduction to Sittow, his training, and his career, see Trizna, Michel Sittow; Endel Köks, “Michel Sittow: A Painter from Tallinn,” Journal of Baltic Studies 9 (1978): 32–49, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1080/01629777800000041; Matthias Weniger, “Bynnen Brugge in Flandern: The Apprenticeships of Michel Sittow and Juan de Flandes,” in Memling Studies: Proceedings of the International Colloquium (Bruges, 10–12 November, 1994), ed. H. Verougstraete, R. Van Schoute, and M. Smeyers (Leuven: Peeters, 1997), 115–31; Anu Mänd, “Michel Sittow and Reval (Tallinn),” in Michel Sittow, 1469–1525: The Artist Connecting Estonia with the Southern Netherlands, ed. Tina Abel (Tallinn: As Pakett, 2001), 3–13; Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 39–164; Greta Koppel, “The Riddle of Michel Sittow’s Art,” in Michel Sittow: Estonian Painter at the Courts of Renaissance Europe, ed. John Oliver Hand and Greta Koppel (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2018), 1–8; and Matthias Weniger, “Michel Sittow: An Artist’s Career,” in Michel Sittow: Estonian Painter at the Courts of Renaissance Europe, ed. John Oliver Hand and Greta Koppel (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2018), 27–38. Francisco Chacón was the first artist employed by Isabel; see Manuel Gómez Moreno, “Francisco Chacón, pintor de la reina católica,” Archivo español de arte 3 (1927): 359–60; and José Manuel Pita Andrade, “Pinturas y pintores de Isabel la Católica,” in Isabel la Católica y el arte, ed. Gonzalo Anes y Álvarez de Castrillón and Carmen Manso Porto (Madrid: Real Academia de la Historia, 2006), 24. Antonio Inglés arrived with the English delegation during the marriage negotiations of Catharine of Aragon to Arthur, Prince of Wales. Although he produced portraits of the Castilian royal children, he remained primarily in the service of the English crown. See Pilar Silva Maroto, “La colección de pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” in Isabel la Católica: La magnificencia de un reinado, quinto centenario de Isabel la Católica, 1504–2004, ed. Fernando Checa Cremades (Madrid: Sociedad Estatal de Conmemoraciones Culturales, 2004), 118; and Pita Andrade, “Pinturas y pintores de Isabel la Católica,” 24. Although Pedro Berruguete was never officially named a court painter, he appears among the artists working on royal projects, including the refurbishment at the Carthusian chapterhouse at Miraflores and the monastery of Santo Tomás in Avíla. Berruguete’s paintings also appear in the queen’s personal collection installed in the Capilla Real of Granada upon her death. For an overview of Berruguete, see Fernando Mariás, “Petrus Hispanus en Urbino y el bastón del Gonfaloniere: El problema Pedro Berruguete en Italia y historiografía española,” Archivo español de arte 75 (2002): 361–80, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.3989/AEARTE.2002.V75.I300.319; Pilar Silva Maroto, Pedro Berruguete: El primer pintor renacentista de la Corona de Castilla (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Léon, Consejería de Educación y Cultura, 2003); Pilar Silva Maroto, “Pedro Berruguete en Castilla,” in Actas del simposium internacinal Pedro Berruguete y su entorno, ed. Rafael Martínez González (Palencia: Diputación de Palencia, 2004), 23–48; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica: Promotora artística (Léon: Edilesa, 2005), 34–46; and Pita Andrade, “Pintores coetáneos de los Reyes Católicos,” 261–62.

  8. 8. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fol. 204ᵛ; see Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:329; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468.

  9. 9. This is likely the earliest work created by Juan de Flandes for the queen. The panels are currently divided between the Cleveland Museum of Art, the Nardoni muzej in Belgrade, the Musée d’art et d’histoire in Geneva, the Museum Mayer van der Bergh in Antwerp, and the Abelló collection in Madrid. See Jozef de Coo and Nicole Reynaud, “Origen del retablo de San Juan Bautista atribuido a Juan de Flandes,” Archivo español de arte 52 (1979): 125–44; Catheline Périer-D’Ieteren, Anne Rinuy, Josef Vynckier, and Léopold Kockaert, “Apport des méthodes d’investigation scientifique à l’étude de deux peintures atribués à Juan de Flandes,” Genava 41 (1993): 107–18; Susan Urbach, “An Ecce Agnus Dei Attributed to Juan de Flandes: A Lost Panel from a Hypothetical Altarpiece,” Jaarboek Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten (2001): 189–207; Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica, 73–74; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 135–37; and Hans Nieuwdorp, ed., Juan de Flandes en het Mirafloresretabel: Gesignaleerd en opgaspoord (Antwerp: Ludion, 2010). On Isabel’s patronage at Miraflores, see Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica, 49–75; and Ronda Kasl, The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style (Turnhout: Brepols, 2014), 119–72.

  10. 10. Hans Nieuwdorp, “Kroonjuweel en oorlogsbuit: Het Mirafloresretable van Juan de Flandes,” in Juan de Flandes en het Mirafloresretabel: Gesignaleerd en opgaspoord, ed. Hans Nieuwdorp (Antwerp: Ludion, 2010), 10.

  11. 11. Archivo de la Cartuja de Miraflores (Burgos), Cuaderno 377. Fundación de la Cartuja de Burgos; see Arias de Miranda, Apuntes históricos sobre la cartuja de Miraflores de Burgos (Burgos: Imprinta de Pascual Polo, 1843), 79; Abad Puente, “Documentos inéditos acerca de algunos cuadros flamencos sacados de la Cartuja de Miraflores,” 86; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 475.

  12. 12. John Oliver Hand and Martha Wolff, Early Netherlandish Painting (London: National Gallery of Art, 1986), 123.

  13. 13. Juan de Flandes received his payment for the year 1499 on May 30 from the royal secretary Francisco de Madrid (Archivo General de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales. Leg. 2, num. 1); see Zarco del Valle and Jover, Documentos inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España, 132–34; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 467. On September 13 of the same year, another payment of 30,000 mrs. is recorded by Gonzalo de Baeza, due for 1498: “That you will have from the past year of 1498, the year for which I have an amount due” (que le heran devidos del año pasado de noventa e ocho año de la ración e quitación que tenia) (Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fol. 265ʳ); see Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:444; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468.

  14. 14. Archivo de la Cartuja de Miraflores (Burgos), Cuaderno 377, Fundación de la Cartuja de Burgos; see Miranda, Apuntes históricos sobre la cartuja de Miraflores de Burgos, 79; Abad Puente, “Documentos inéditos acerca de algunos cuadros flamencos sacados de la Cartuja de Miraflores,” 88; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 475.

  15. 15. “por ciertas obras que fizo para su alteza” in Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 42, fol 104; see José Maria de Azcárate, Datos histórico- artisticos de fines del siglo XV y principios del siglo XVI, Documentos para la Histora del Arte en España (Zaragoza: Caja de Ahorros de Zaragoza, 1982), 96; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468. Regrettably, the household records for the disbursal of Juan de Flandes’s annual salary for these years are not currently known to exist.

  16. 16. The payments for 1500 are found in Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fol. 282ᵛ ; see Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:479; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468. The payment for 1501 is located in Archivo General de Simanacas, Casa y Sitios Reales. Leg. 2, num. 1; see Zarco del Valle and Jover, Documentos inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España, 133; Torre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica, 202; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468. The additional 1502 payment is in Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 153, n.f.; see Trizna, Michel Sittow, 67; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 469.

  17. 17. It is important to note that actual amount of monies paid to Juan de Flandes may have even been in excess of this amount. No surviving documentation shows the discharge of the 20,000 mrs. owed for 1497, nor the 10,000 mrs. partial payment for 1501. However it is possible that the two separate payments of 30,000 mrs. in 1500, one given by Gonzalo de Baeza on April 6 and the other by Francisco de Madrid on May 15, were intended to cover this deficit, though this would have resulted in an overpayment, which could have been held against future earnings. Such a shift, though it likely affected his day-to-day liquidity, would have balanced out his annual earnings as expressed in Table 1. See Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15 fol. 282ᵛ, and Archivo General de Simancas, Casa y Sitíos Reales, leg. 43, fol. 121ʳ. See also M. R. Zarco del Valle, Datos documentales para la historia del arte español: II, Documentos de la Catedral de Toledo (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Históricos, 1916), 132–34; Torre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica, 101; Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:479; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 467–68; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 166.

  18. 18. Archivo de la Cartuja de Miraflores (Burgos), Cuaderno 377. Fundación de la Cartuja de Burgos; see Miranda, Apuntes históricos sobre la cartuja de Miraflores de Burgos, 79; Abad Puente, “Documentos inéditos acerca de algunos cuadros flamencos sacados de la Cartuja de Miraflores,” 86; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 475.

  19. 19. Pita Andrade, “Pinturas y pintores de Isabel la Católica,” 24.

  20. 20. Achivo General de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg. 43, 284v; see Zarco del Valle, Datos documentales, 331; Antonio de la Torre y del Cerro, “Michel Sittow, pintor de Isabel la Católica: Su estancia en España,” Hispania: Revista española de historia 71 (1958): 195; Trizna, Michel Sittow, 66; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 41. For dissimilarity in salaries as indicative of differences in esteem, see Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Isabel la Católica: Promotera de las artes,” Reales Sitios 110 (1991): 60, Joaquín Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos: Paisaje artistíco de una monarquia (Madrid: Nerea, 1993), 91; Ishikawa, The Retablo de Isabel la Católica, 46; Rafael Domínguez Casas, “The Artistic Patronage of Isabel the Catholic: Medieval or Modern?,” in Queen Isabel I of Castile: Power, Patronage, Persona, ed. Barbara Weissberger (Woodbridge: Tamesis, 2008), 140; Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 165–66; and Koppel, “The Riddle of Michel Sittow’s Art,” 4.

  21. 21. “Hoy en día el Bautismo, pieza excepcional parece difícil asignarlo a Juan de Flandes, estando más próximo a Michel Sittow, el gran maestro que llega a Castilla antes que Juan de Flandes y cobrará una cantidad fija annual alta, superior a la del otro.” Yarza Luaces, Isabel La Católica, 73. Yarza Luaces hypothesizes that the project may have been initiated by Sittow and then completed by Juan de Flandes or that the central panel of the Baptism of Crist is not the original panel of the altarpiece. Either of these situations would compensate for the lack of reference to Sittow in the documents. Current opinion regarding the attribution of the altarpiece is split. See Ainsworth, “Juan de Flandes, Chameleon Painter,” 105–23, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1484/M.MEF-EB.3.826; Weniger, “Michel Sittow: An Artist’s Career,” 36.

  22. 22. Jeltje Dijkstra, “Origineel en Kopie, Een onderzoeck naar da navolging van der Meester van Flémalle en Rogier van der Weyden” (PhD diss., University of Amsterdam, 1990), 82–108. The literature on the copy of the Miraflores Altarpiece is extensive, including Erwin Panofsky, Early Netherlandish Painting: Its Origin and Character (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1953), 1:259–64; Max Freidländer, Early Netherlandish Painting, vol. 2, Rogier van der Weyden and the Master of Flémalle (New York: Praeger Publishers, 1967), 45–46, 68; Rainald Grosshans, “Rogier van der Weyden: Der Marienaltar aus der Kartause Miraflores,” Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 23 (1981): 49–112, ; Barbara Lane, “Rogier’s Saint John and Miraflores Altarpieces Reconsidered,” Art Bulletin 60 (1987): 655–72, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1080/00043079.1978.10787614; Jeltje Dijkstra, “Origineel en Kopie,” 78–86, 95–109; Jeltje Dijkstra, “Methods for the Copying of Paintings in the Southern Netherlands in the 15th and Early 16th Centuries,” in Le dessin sous-jacent dans le peinture, ed. Hélène Verougstraete-Marcq and Roger van Schoute (Louvain: Université catholique de Louvain, 1991), 67–76; Catheline Périer- d’Ieteren, “Le retablo de la vierge de la Capilla Real de Granada et les peintres d’Isabelle de Castille,” Revue belge d’archéologie et d’histoire de l’art 67 (1998): 3–26; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 138–43; Ainsworth, “Juan de Flandes, Chamelean Painter,” 121–23, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1484/M.MEF-EB.3.826; Stephan Kemperdick and Jochen Sanders, eds. The Master of Flémalle and Rogier van der Weyden, exh. cat. (Frankfurt: Städel Museum, 2009), 319–20, cat. 30; Peter Klein, “Dendrochronological Analysis of Panel Paintings Belonging to the Master of Flémalle and Rogier van der Weyden Groups,” in The Master of Flémalle and Rogier van der Weyden, ed. Stephan Kemperdick and Jochen Sanders (Frankfurt: Städel Museum, 2009), 167; Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 70–72; Lorne Campbell, ed., Rogier van der Weyden y los reinos de la península Ibérica, exh. cat. (Madrid: Museo del Prado, 2015), 88–97, 148–52; cats. 3 and 15; Lorne Campbell, “Rogier van der Weyden y los reinos ibéricos” in Rogier van der Weyden y los reinos de la península Ibérica, ed. Lorne Campbell (Madrid: Museo del Prado, 2015), 43, 50.

  23. 23. Koppel, “The Riddle of Michel Sittow’s Art,” 4.

  24. 24. Yarza Luaces highlights the difficulty Isabel had in sponsoring artistic projects due to the high military costs of the War of Granada. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 91.

  25. 25. Archivo General de Simancas, contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fol 162ᵛ; see Torre y del Cerro, Cuentas de Gonzalo de Baeza, 2:251; Trizna, Michel Sittow, 66; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 41.

  26. 26. Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 41.

  27. 27. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 15, fol 265ʳ; see Torre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica, 445.

  28. 28. This difficulty was not limited to Sittow; Bartolomé Granaja, one of the head gardeners of the Alhambra, had to travel to Toro to claim three years of salary that he was owed. Rafael Domínguez Casas, “La corte y la imagen real” in Los Reyes Católicos y la monarquía de España: Museo del Siglo XIX, Valencia, septiembre-noviembre, de 2004, ed. Lucía Vallejo (España: Sociedad Estatal de Conmemoraciones Culturales, 2004), 93.

  29. 29. Archivo General de Simanacas, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg. 43, fol. 112ʳ; see Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 166.

  30. 30. These payments are recorded in the Archivo General de Simancas, Casa y Sitios Reales, leg. 43, fols. 135ʳ, 153ʳ, 169ʳ, 172ʳ, and 293ᵛ; see Zarco del Valle, Datos documentales, 132–34; de la Torre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica, 101; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 467–68; and Weniger, Sittow, Morros, Juan de Flandes, 166.

  31. 31. On June 24, 1503, the royal secretary recorded payment of 20,000 mrs., with half closing out the amount due for 1502 and the remainder against the salary for that year. The balance of 20,000 mrs. was not dispersed until November 15, 1503 (Archivo General de Simanacas, Casa y Sitios Reales. Leg. 2 num. 1); see Zarco del Valle and Jover, Documentos inéditos para la Historia de las Bellas Artes en España, 133; orre y del Cerro, La casa de Isabel la Católica, 202; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 468.

  32. 32. The use of the assumption that salary correlates to modern notions of quality for attribution purposes is especially problematic, given the lack of a firmly documented oeuvre for Sittow. On the difficulty in connecting documentation to surviving works, see Weniger, “Michel Sittow: An Artist’s Career,” 29–30.

  33. 33. For example, on February 20, 1502, Fernando Ramirez in Seville records payment of 10,000 mrs. to Michael Sittow and 6,000 mrs. to Juan de Flandes (Archivo General de Simancas. Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 153); see Trizna, Michel Sittow, 67; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 469. Although Sittow received a larger sum at this time, his total monies for the year only amounted to approximately 28 percent of those given to Juan de Flandes (table 1).

  34. 34. A similar situation occurred with Michael Sittow, who in 1501 traveled to Flanders with Princess Juana. He received the largest portion of his salary from the ducal court, although he continued to receive a partial salary from Queen Isabel through 1502.

  35. 35. On average, a laborer in Castile earned approximately 22.5 mrs. per day in 1502; see Earl J. Hamilton, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 1501–1650 (New York: Octagon Books, 1965), 394. That same year vineyard workers in Valladolid received between approximately 20 and 35 mrs. per day, depending on their specific occupation; see Bartolomé Bennassar, Valladolid au siècle d’or, une ville de Castille et sa campage au XVIe sièle (Paris: La Haye, Mouton et Cie, 1967), 295. Juan was compensated at a significantly higher rate, just over 82 mrs. on average per day due to his 30,000 mrs. annual salary in 1502. This comparison between Juan de Flandes and other Castilian workers is admittedly problematic. Although some information survives regarding the pay rates per day, we do not know how many days of work a laborer was able to secure in a year nor what other resources they would have had to capitalize. See Henry Phelps Brown and Sheila V. Hopkins, A Perspective of Wages and Prices (London: Methuen, 1981), 13. Like Juan de Flandes, Castilian workers often received compensation in the form of goods or lodging. In the first half of the sixteenth century Castilian laborers were provided with wine and bread for their midday meal (Hamilton, American Treasure and the Price Revolution in Spain, 393). Juan de Flandes’s salary is also high in comparison with others employed in the royal household. The head gardeners at the Alhambra, Bartolomé Granaje and Bernal Sebastán, were each paid 18,500 mrs. per year. Domínguez Casas, “La corte y la imagen real,” 93. The lead chaplain of Isabel’s chapel received 30,000 mrs. per year while lesser officiantes received between 7,000 mrs. and 20,000 mrs. depending on their specific position. Domínguez Casas, “La corte y la imagen real,” 94.

  36. 36. My evaluation of the overall value of Isabel’s collection of paintings is based upon the assessment of documentary evidence provided by José Manuel Pita Andrade, who created an extensive list of the paintings documented in Isabel’s collection. Pita Andrade, “Pinturas y pintores de Isabel la Católica,” 32–71. Like many other art patrons of the fifteenth century, the economic value of Isabel’s paintings, and likely her personal assesment of their cultural value, paled in comparison to the value of her tapestries and metalwork. Zalama Rodríguez, “La infructuosa venta en almoneda de las pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” 45–66.

  37. 37. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 192. One panel was sold to Diego Fernández de Cordoba, Alcaide de los Donçeles. Francisca Enriquez de Luna, Marchioness of Denia purchased ten of the major Passion images. The largest number, thirty-two, were acquired by Philip the Fair, who immediately handed the panels over to Diego Flores, an agent of Margaret of Austria. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 199, n.f.; published in Miquel Ángel Zalama, “Felipe I el Hermoso y las artes” in Felipe I el Hermoso: La belleza y la locura, ed. Miquel Ángel Zalama and Paul Van den Broech (Madrid: Centro de Estudios Europa Hispánica, 2006), 47n87. See also M. A. Zalama Rodriguez, “La infructuosa venta en almoneda de las pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” Boletín del Seminario de Arte y Arqueología (Arte) 74 (2008): 60–62. The size of the shipment to Flores resulted in the creation of an additional list (Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 189, 3ᵛ-4ʳ); see Ishikawa, The Retablo de Isabel la Católica, 25–27, 169; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 469–70.

  38. 38. For an analysis of the valuation and sale, see Zalama Rodriguez, “La infructuosa venta en almoneda de las pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” 45–66. A small proportion of the paintings, sixty-nine in all, were set aside for installation in the queen’s funerary chapel in Granada. Many of these objects remain in the collection of the Capilla Real of the Cathedral of Granada; see Elisa Bermejo, “Las tablas flamencas,” in El libro de la Capilla Real, ed. José Manuel Pita Andrade (Granada: Copartgraf, 1994), 177–213; Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica, 109–30.

  39. 39. Zalama Rodríguez, “La infructuosa venta en almoneda de las pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” 62–64.

  40. 40. Archivo General de Simancas, Contaduría Mayor de Cuentas, 1ª época, leg. 192; see Ishikawa, The Retablo de Isabel la Católica, 25–27; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 469–70. Unfortunately, no notation survives indicating the reasons for the varying amounts ascribed to the Retablo de Isabel panels. The surviving paintings are of comparatively equal size and of a consistent quality, though there is some variance as to modern condition due to difference in provenances. The desirability of subject matter may have been taken into consideration; though as the Christ on the Cross painting received the lowest estimate this interpretation is problematic. The average purchase price for Isabel’s total collection was calculated from the amounts published in Pita Andrade, “Pintores coetáneos de los Reyes Católicos,” 32–71.

  41. 41. Azcárate, Datos histórico-artisticos de fines del siglo XV y principios del siglo XVI, 128; Silva Maroto, “La colección de pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” n. 10; and Pita Andrade, “Pinturas y pintores de Isabel la Católica,” 57. The extremely high price garnered by the Bouts triptych was certainly due its exceptional quality in addition to the more general popular desire for Flemish-style paintings in the early sixteenth century. The triptych was not included in the sale at Toro, but instead installed in the Capilla Real in Granada.

  42. 42. This analysis of the value assessments for works alongside the documented remuneration contrasts with the findings of Zalama Rodríguez, who charted a devaluation in royal portraiture by estimating that with a median vaue of only 490 mrs., Sittow would have had to paint 102 portraits each year to justify his 50,000 mrs. salary and Juan de Flandes would have had to paint 60 portraits each year to offset his 30,000 mrs. salary. Zalama Rodríguez, “La infructuosa venta en almoneda de las pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” 53. The 490 mrs. average value for royal portraits in Isabel’s collection is approximately 50 percent of the least valuable panel and only 30 percent of the 1,635.5 mrs. average for panels from the Retablo de Isabel, indicating the significantly higher monetary value of religious images.

  43. 43. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, num. 4, fol. 149ᵛ; see Manuel Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” Boletín de la sociedad española de Castellana 6 (1913–14): 325; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 476. For an introduction to the artistic projects at the University of Salamanca, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 290–98, 362–63. On Juan de Flandes’s projects in Salamanca, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 296–97; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 287–327.

  44. 44. Unfortunately, the object was dismantled before documentation or even detailed descriptions were produced. In addition to the two paintings by Juan de Flandes, two sculptural components created by Felipe Bigarny are held by the Museo de Salamanca. For an analysis of the surviving sculptural elements, see Isabel del Río de la Hoz, El escultor Felipe Bigarny (Madrid: Junta de Castilla y León, 2001), 72–75. The altarpiece is the subject of a plethora of entries in the Libros de claustros held in the Archive of the University of Salamanca. Archivo universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4. See Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” 321–60; Ignace Vandevivère, Catalogue de l’exposition Juan de Flandes (Bruges: Lovaina, 1985), 75–87; Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 296–97; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 475–82.

  45. 45. The true beginnings of the retablo mayor are unknown due to a gap in the university archives stretching from 1481 to 1503. The Burgundian sculptor Felipe Bigarny was approached by a representative of the university in 1503 to create fifteen sculptures for insertion into an already initiated altarpiece project; see Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” 323. The documentary evidence does not articulate why the university officials decided to incorporate paintings, though the shift may have been due to financial considerations. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4 fols. 150ʳ, 150ᵛ, and 151ʳ; see Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 476–77.

  46. 46. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4, fols. 150ʳ -151ʳ; see Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 79–80; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 476–77.

  47. 47. “And that said Juan de Flandes will make the said narratives and images in the said time, very good upon sight and by determination of the masters and to the satisfaction of the university” (e q[ue]l dicho Jua[n] de flandes faga las d[ich]as ystorias e ymagenes en el dicho t[iem]po, muy buenas a v[i]sta e determynaçion de maestros e a contentamy[ent]o de la Universydad,). Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4 fol. 150ᵛ; see Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 476.

  48. 48. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4 fol. 231ᵛ and 257ᵛ; see Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” 325; and Silva Maroto, Juande Flandes, 478.

  49. 49. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4 fols. 265ᵛ and 267ʳ; see Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 80–81; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 479.

  50. 50. The work by Juan de Flandes was inspected on October 9, 1507, and on November 9 he was issued an authorization for a 15,000 mrs. payment. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 4, fol. 287ʳ; and Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 5, fol. 7ᵛ and 9ᵛ; see Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 479. The notations regarding payment may coincide with the banco portion of the project, as the amount paid equals the amount promised in the contract.

  51. 51. “in the altarpiece on which was spent much time and many improvements” (en el Retablo que fifo gasto mucho t[iem]po e fiso mejoramy[ent]o). Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 5, fol. 99ʳ -99ᵛ; see Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 81; Yarza Luecas, Los Reyes Católicos, 363; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 480. Unfortunately the documentation does not specify the nature of these improvements. Because only one panel painting is currently known, it is impossible to establish the changes made to the images during their creation. Similar requests for additional compensation were made by the sculptors Gil Silóe and Diego de la Cruz, though this may due to late payments. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 365–66.

  52. 52. Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 297.

  53. 53. On the selection of Flemish paintings over Italian Renaissance forms, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 296.

  54. 54. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 5, fol. 108ʳ and 110ʳ; see Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” 326; Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 86; Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 297; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 481–82. Although the Claustro de la Universidad expressed interest in having Juan de Flandes produce this retablo and drew up a preliminary contract, he did not agree to the 15,000 mrs. budget for the project.

  55. 55. The altarpiece was commissioned from the otherwise unknown local Salamancan painter Anton de Lurrena, who completed the work within one month. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 5, fol. 115ᵛ and 116ʳ. Juan de Flandes found the painting to be excellent and done to perfection in both the figural and narrative scenes. Archivo Universitario de Salamanca, Libro de claustros, no. 5 fols. 115ᵛ and 116ʳ; see Gómez Moreno, “La capilla de la Universidad de Salamanca,” 326; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 482. For a discussion of the relationship between Anton and Juan de Flandes, see Olga Pérez Monzón, “Producción artística en la Baja Edad Media: Originalidad y/o copia,” Anales de la Historia del Arte 22, Especial (2012): 109.

  56. 56. The retablo was originally set in a recess above a sculpted sepulcher. Due to the lack of a surviving contract, it is unclear if the Retablo de San Miguel was commissioned by Francisco in advance of his death or by his brother Diego Rodriguez de San Isidro, who was involved contracting of Juan de Flandes for the university chapel. Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 83–85; Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 297; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 307–19.

  57. 57. During the first decade of the sixteenth century, the choir was expanded into the nave and divided into a liturgical choir and cannon’s choir on either side of an open transcept. Antonio Cabeza, La vida en una catedral de antiguo régimen (Valladolid: Junta de Castilla y Leon, 1997), 42.

  58. 58. Caterina Limentani Virdis and Mari Pietogiovanna, Great Altarpieces: Gothic and Renaissance (New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1999), 381.

  59. 59. A drawing by Felipe Bigarny bound between folios 105 and 106 of the Libro de las obras suggests the original construction. Many of the sculpted elements survive in the retablo mayor installation, suggesting the appearance of the original altarpiece. On the drawing, see Jesús San Martín Payo, “El retablo mayor de la Catedral de Palencia: nuevos datos,” Publicaciones de la Institución Tello Téllez de meneses 10 (1953): 287–91; Rio de la Hoz, El escultor Felipe Bigarny, 75–82; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 335.

  60. 60. “By the order of his lordship, it is determined that the central chapel is now the choir and therefore it is necessary that the altarpiece be increased. And therefore his lordship arranged to add to the current work the dictated narrative images and other images, as demonstrated in the sample design signed by his lordship” (por mandado de Su Señoria, se acordó de sopasar la capilla mayor a do agora es el coro y para allí es necesario que el retablo sea mas alto. Y porque Su Señoria acordo de lo añadir con la obra infrasceta que vaya por historias entrepuestas de las otras de ymagines, como está en una muestra que está firmada de Su Señoria). Archivo de la Cathedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ʳ.

  61. 61. For example, the contract specifies that the Crucifixion, Christ Carrying the Cross, and Entombment should measure six by four feet with the Crucifixion slightly larger than the others: “A narrative image of the crucifixion and another of how Jesus carries the cross on his back and another of how he is buried, each of six feet in length and four in height, except the crucifixion which will be a little wider than the others” (una historia del Crucifixo y otra de cómo lieva al Jesu la cruz a cuestas y otra de como le sepultan, de cada seis pies de largo y quarto en ancho, syno la del Crucifixo sea un xeme mas ancha que las otras). Archivo de la Cathedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ʳ.

  62. 62. “And that is made and painted by the brush of the said Juan de Flandes by his own hand . . . and that it is all done to perfection” (y que lo haga y pinte de pincel el dicho Juan de Flandesde su propia mano y no de otra . . . y que lo faga y acabe en perfeçion,). Archivo de la Catedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ʳ; see Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 492.

  63. 63. “The altarpiece in the Roman Style and images that are made for the choir of the church of Palencia” (el retablo de talla Romano y ymaginería que se faze para la capilla mayor de la iglesia de Palencia). Archivo de la Catedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ʳ. The 1504 contract notes that this style should be modeled after an altarpiece in the Colegio de Santa Cruz of Valladolid: “The altarpiece of the college of the Lord cardinal that is in the city of Valladolid, that is in the style and manner of antiquity and the Romans” (retablo del collegio del Señor cardinal que está en la villa de Valladolid, que es al modo e manera de lo antiguo e romano). Archivo de la Catedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 94ʳ. See San Martín Payo, “El retablo mayor de la Catedral de Palencia: Nuevos datos,” 283; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 334.

  64. 64. John F. O’Hara, “Juan Rodriguez de Fonseca: First President of the Indies (1493–1523),” Catholic Historical Review 3 (1917): 132. During his sojourn Fonseca had acquired the Triptych of the Seven Sorrows of the Virgin attributed to Jan Joest van Kalcar (ca. 1455–1519), which was installed on the trascoro altar in Palencia. The wings of the triptych are completely covered by a black ground with gold script combining a devotional prayer with an account of the provenance. Karl Justi, Miscellaneen aus drei Jahrhunderten spanischen Kunstlebens (Berlin: G. Grote, 1908), 1:329–31; Chandler Post, “A Second Retable by Jan Joest in Spain,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts 22 (1942): 127–34; Ulrike Wolff-Thomsen, Jan Joest von Kalkar, en niederländischer Maler um 1500: Schriften der Heresbach-Stiftung Kalkar (Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 1997), 43–114, 349–53; and Lioba Schollmeyer, Jan Joest: Ein Beitrag zur Kunstgeschichte des Rheinlandes um 1500, Schriften der Heresback-Stiftung Kalkar (Bielefeld: Verlag für Regionalgeschichte, 2004), 295–342. For a general overview of Fonseca’s patronage and his preference for northern European luxury goods, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 183–90; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Comercio artístico Flandes-reinos hispanos” in La pintura gótica hispanoflamenca: Bartolomé Bermejo y su época, ed. Francesc Ruiz Quesada (Barcelona: Museu Nacional d’Art de Catalunya, 2003), 107–17.

  65. 65. Archivo de la Catedral, Palencia, Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ʳ and 90ᵛ; see Ignace Vandevivère, La cathédrale de Palencia et l’église paroissiale de Cervera de Pisuerga (Brussels: Ministère de l’Education national et de la Culture, 1967), 66–67. Two additional scenes painted by Juan de Flandes while in Palencia, a Descent from the Cross and a Pieta were never installed into the altarpiece. The images were removed from the cathedral and are today in a private collection in Madrid; see Vandevivère, Juan de Flandes, 85. Payments were made throughout the duration of the production process and ranged from 2,500 mrs. disbursed directly to the landlord of Juan de Flandes’s house in Palencia, to larger lump-sum payments reaching a total of 50,000 mrs. with little explanation as to the reasons for this seemingly sporadic payment schedule. Armario I, leg. 5, doc. 1: Libro de las obras, fol. 90ᵛ -91ᵛ. See Vandevivère, La cathédrale de Palencia, 69–71; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 493–96.

  66. 66. Before the completion of the panels by Juan de Flandes in 1519, a third bishop, Juan de Velasco (?–1520), commissioned a large crowning assemblage including a Calvary scene from the sculptors Pedro Manso and Juan de Balmaseda. In 1529, only two years after the initial installation, the central panel by Juan de Flandes, the Crucifixion, was exchanged for a sculpted image of Saint Antolín and in 1559 the banco was replaced. The Crucifixion was acquired by the Prado museum in 2005. Between 1522 and 1525 additional panels were created, depicting the Visitation and the Adoration of the Magi, by Juan Tejerina, stylistically based on the paintings by Juan de Flandes. See Virdis and Pietogiovanna, Great Altarpieces, 381; and Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 342–43. Juan de Flande’s strong presence in Palencia had a dominant impact on the stylistic evolution of the region. Pilar Silva Maroto, “Notas sobre la pintura del primer tercio del XVI in Palencia,” in Actas del VIII Congreso Nacional de Historia del Arte, Cáceres (Mérida: Editora Regional de Extramadura, 1993), 323–30; Silva Maroto, Juan de Flandes, 578–83; Pilar Silva Maroto, “Pintura y sociedad en Castilla en época de los Reyes Católicos,” in Imágenes y promotores en el arte medieval: Miscelánea en homenaje a Joaquín Yarza Luaces, ed. M. Luisa Melero (Barcelona: Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 2001), 624.

  67. 67. Judith Berg Sobré, Behind the Altar Table: The Development of the Painted Retable in Spain, 1350–1500 (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1989), 41–46. For a comparison of the Castilian retablo mayor to other Iberian altarpiece configurations, see Sobré, Behind the Altar Table, 133–55; and Justin. E. A. Kroesen, Staging the Liturgy: The Medieval Altarpiece in the Iberian Peninsula, Liturgia Condenda (Leuven: Peeters, 2009), 86–89, 95–98, 102–8, 110–128. For an overview of the remuneration of Spanish artists, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 364–66.

  68. 68. For an overview on the impact of different elements on Spanish retablo prices, see Sobré, Behind the Altar Table, 31–48.

  69. 69. My interpretation of Castilian altarpiece prices is based on the collection material published in Appendix 3, Table 1 of Sobré, Behind the Altar Table, 344–47.

  70. 70. Sobré, Behind the Altar Table, 49–52.

  71. 71. C. González Palencia, “La Capilla de Don Álvaro de Luna en la catedral de Toledo,” Archivo Español de Arte 5 (1929): 118–21; Sobré, Behind the Altar Table, 318–25; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, La nobleza ante el rey: Los grandes linajes castellanos y el arte en el siglo XV (Madrid: Ediciones El Viso, 2003), 134; and Kasl, The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style, 40–42.

  72. 72. Archivo de la Obra y Fábrica, Toledo Cathedral, 798 fol. 93ʳ; see Jesusa Viver-Sánchez Merino-Pérez, “Documentos sobre arte y artistas en el Archivo de Obra y Fábrica de la Catedral de Toledo: 1500–1549” (PhD diss., Universidad Complutense de Madrid, 1990), 24–25.

  73. 73. Kroesen, Staging the Liturgy, 366–72.

  74. 74. For an introduction to Isabel’s aesthetics and artistic predilections, see Yarza Luaces, “Isabel la Católica: Promotera de las artes,” 57–64; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Gusto y promotor en la época de los Reyes Católicos,” Ephialte. Lectureas de Historia del Arte 3 (1992): 51–70; Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica: Promotera de las artes,” 57–64; Domínguez Casas, Arte y etiqueta de los Reyes Católicos; Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos; Silva Maroto, “Pintura y sociedad en Castilla en época de los Reyes Católicos,” 619–31; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Isabel la Católica, coleccionista: ¿sensibilidad estética o devoción?,” in Arte y cultura en la época de Isabel la Católica: Ponencias presentados al III Simposio sobre el reinado de Isabel la Católica, ed. Julio Valdeón Baruque (Valladolid: Ambito Ediciones, 2003), 222–38, 243–44; Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica, 77–101; Jessica Weiss, “Isabel of Castile, Flemish Aesthetics, and Identity Construction in the Works of Juan de Flandes,” (PhD diss., University of Texas, 2014), 81–109. The interest in and use of northern European luxury goods to communicate an elevated social status has a long history in Spain. For connections between Isabel and the stylistic preferences of previous Castilian kings, see Yarza Luaces, Isabel la Católica, 77–83; Weiss, “Isabel of Castile, Flemish Aesthetics, and Identity Construction in the Works of Juan de Flandes,” 63–70. Ronda Kasl has traced the taste for Flemish and Hispano-Flemish funerary sculpture to nobles and merchants, especially in the environs of Burgos; Kasl, The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style, 36–89. For a more general introduction to the ways Castilian nobles used visual culture, including Flemish and Hispano-Flemish objects, to promote their own interests, see Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 221–62; José Manuel Nieto Soria, “La noblezas de Castilla” in Los Reyes Católicos y la monarquia de España: Museo del Siglo XIX, Valencia, Septiembre-Noviembra de 2004, ed. Lucía Vallejo (Valencia: Sociedad Estatal de Conmemoraciones Culturales, 2004), 153–86; and Yarza Luaces, La nobleza ante el rel.

  75. 75. Neil de Marchi and J. van Miegroet, “Exploring Markets for Netherlandish Paintings in Spain and Nueva España,” in Kunst voor de markt 1500–1700, ed. Reindert Falkenburg (Zwolle: Waanders, 2000), 81–111; Marina Belozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance: Burgundian Arts Across Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 160–79; Pilar Silva Maroto, “Flanders and the Kingdom of Castile,” in Age of Van Eyck: The Mediterranean World and Early Netherlandish Painting, 1430–1530, ed. Till-Holger Borchert (New York: Thames & Hudson, 2002), 142–55; Marie-Tere Alvarez, “The Art Market in Renaissance Spain: From Flanders to Castile” (PhD diss., University of Southern California, 2003); Yarza Luaces, “Comercio atístico Flandes-reinos hispanos,” 107–17; Didier Martens, Peinture flamande et gout ibérique aux XVème et XVIème siècles (Brussels: Le Livre Timperman, 2010); Kasl, The Making of Hispano-Flemish Style, 7–30; Pilar Silva Maroto, “Las relaciones artísticas entre Flandes y Castilla en el siglo XV,” in Aragón y Flandes: Un encuentro artístico (siglos XV-XVII), ed. María García Soria and María Bayón Perales (Zaragoza: Universidad Zaragoza, 2015), 67–76; Noelia García Pérez, “Gender, Representation and Power: Female Patronage of Netherlandish Art in Renaissance Spain,” in Netherlandish Art and Luxury Goods in Renaissance Spain, ed. Daan van Heesch, Robrecht Janssen, and Jan van der Stock (Turnhout: Brepols, 2018), 181–200; Didier Martens “Les primitifs flamands et leur ‘réception’ dans la peinture castillane de la fin du Moyen Âge,” in Late Gothic Painting in the Crown of Aragon and the Hispanic Kingdoms, ed. Alberto Velesco and Francesc Fité (Leiden: Brill, 2018), 264–96; Silva Maroto, “On Hispano-Flemish Painting in the Kingdom of Castile,” 297–340. Isabel’s interest in Flemish art was not limited to paintings but also included several hundred tapestries, a medium with a greater economic and cultural value. See Francisco Javier Sánchez Cantón, Libros, tapices y cuadros que coleccionó Isabel la Católica (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1950), 89–150; Joaquín Yarza Luaces, “Reinas promotoras, colecciones dispersas,” in A la manera de Flandes. Tapices ricos de la Corona de España, ed. Concha Herrero Carretero, Lourdes de Luis Serra, and Joaquín Yarza Luaces (Madrid: Patrimonio Nacional, 2001), 11–32; Yarza Luaces, “Comercio artístico Flandes-reinos hispanos,” 112; C. H. Carretero, Tapices de Isabel la Católica: Origen de la colección real Española (Madrid: Patrimonial Nacional, 2004); Guy Delmarcel, “La collection de tapisseries de la reina Isabelle de Castille (1451–1504): Quelques réflexions critiques,” in El arte in la corte de los Reyes Católicos: Rutas artísticas a principios de la Edad moderna, ed. Fernando Checa and Bernardo J. García (Madrid: Fundación Carlos Amberes, 2005), 287–303.

  76. 76. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 381–82; Silva Maroto, “Pintura y sociedad en Castilla en época de los Reyes Católicos,” 622, 629; Yarza Luaces, La nobleza ante el rey, 219–48; Ignace Vandevivere, “Berruguete versus Juan de Flandes. Pequeña nota hispanoflamenca,” in Actas symposium internacional Pedro Berruguete y su entorno, ed. Rafael Martínez González (Palencia: Diputación de Palencia, 2004), 49. Italian models, though not completely absent in fifteenth-century Iberia or even from Isabel’s personal collection of paintings, were significantly outnumbered by those from northern Europe. Yarza Luaces, “Isabel la Católica coleccionista,” 222–44; Weiss, “Isabel of Castile, Flemish Aesthetics, and Identity Construction in the Works of Juan de Flandes,” 87–89. For an interpretation of Isabel’s preference for Flemish artworks over those of quattrocento Italy, see Silva Maroto, “La colección de pinturas de Isabel la Católica,” 115–26; Domínguez Casas, “La corte y la imagen real,” 78–87; Domínguez Casas, “The Artistic Patronage of Isabel the Catholic,” 123–48. The shifts in stylistic plurality coincided with sociopolitical boundaries; the interest in Italianate forms was strongest in the Aragonese empire, especially in Valencia, which existed in a Mediterranean milieu. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 381–85; Yarza Luaces, “Entre Flandes e Italy,” 313–28. Isabel’s aesthetic preference for Flemish art is so dominant that in 1911 Émile Betraux described the Hispano-Flemish art and architecture from this period as the “Isabelline Style.” Émile Betraux, La Renaissance en Espagne et Portugal, vol. 4–5 of Histoire de l’art depuis les premiers temps chrétiens jusqu’s nos jours (Paris: Armand Colin, 1912), 5:821–27. The use of this term, including its orientalizing connotations, has been challenged. Yarza Luaces, “Isabel la Católica, coleccionista,” 219–22; Roberto González Ramos, “The Hispano-Islamisms of Juan Guas: The Fabrication of a Historiographical Stereotype,” Mirabilia Ars 2 (2015): 104–39.

  77. 77. Isabel’s magnificence was used to support her political ambitions, both domestic and abroad. For example, sumptuous displays were used to awe ambassadors to Castile during the marriage negotiations of Isabel’s children. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 86–114; Domínguez Casas, “La corte y la imagen real,” 75–96; Weiss, “Isabel of Castile, Flemish Aesthetics, and Identity Construction in the Works of Juan de Flandes,” 97–114.

  78. 78. The documentation in Salamanca suggests this, as it mentions a connection to former servants in Isabel’s employ. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 298. Although it is unknown exactly how Juan de Flandes came to the attention of the bishop of Palencia, there are multiple connections to Salamanca. Juan Rodríguez de Fonseca was the nephew of Alonso de Fonseca y Ulloa (1440–1512), the archbishop of Santiago de Compostela, who was involved in projects at the church of San Benito in Salamanca. Yarza Luaces, Los Reys Católicos, 293. The sculptural components for both the altarpiece for the University of Salamanca and the Cathedral of Palencia were created primarily by Felipe Bigarny.

  79. 79. Yarza Luaces hypothesized that foreign immigrant artists were paid exceptionally well in late fifteenth-century Castile because of the quality of their work. Yarza Luaces, Los Reyes Católicos, 374. On the use of oil as a binder by painters in Spain, see Judith Berg Sobré, “Sobre Bartolomé Bermejo,” in La pintura gótica hispanoflamenca: Bartolomé Bermejo y su época, ed. S. Alcolea y Blanch (Barcelona: MNAC, 2003), 19–27; Enrique Parra Crego, “Los materiales de la pintura española sobre tabla del Renacimiento: El caso particular de Pedro Berruguete,” in Actas del simposium intercacional Pedro Berruguete y su entorno, ed. Rafael Martínez González (Palencia: Diputación de Palencia, 2004), 421–26; Judith Berg Sobré, “El retablo de la nieve de Bartolomé Bermejo y Martín Bernat y el retablo de Juan Lobera para el claustro del Pilar,” Goya, Revista de Arte 307–8 (2005): 215–24; and Claire Barry, “The Making of the Ciudad Real Altarpiece” in Fernando Gallego and His Workshop: The Altarpiece from Ciudad Rodrigo, Paintings from the Collection of the University of Arizona Museum of Art, ed. Amanda Dotseth, Barbara Anderson, and Mark Roglán (Dallas: Southern Methodist University, Meadows Museum, 2008), 147–245.

  80. 80. H. Pietschmann, “El problema del ‘nacionalismo’ en España en la edad moderna. La resistencia de Castilla contra el Emperador Carlos V,” Hispania 180 (1992): 83–106; I. A. A. Thompson, “Castile, Spain and the Monarchy: The Political Community from Patria Natural to Patria Nacional,” in Spain, Europe, and the Atlantic World: Essays in Honor of John H. Elliot, ed. Richard Kagan and Geoffrey Parker (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995), 125–59, HTTPS://DOI.ORG/10.1017/CBO9780511523397.007.

  81. 81. Jessica Weiss, “Relics of Los Reyes Católicos: The Retablo de Isabel and Spanish-Habsburg Dynastic Heirlooms,” in Imagery and Ingenuity in Early Modern Europe: Essays in Honor of Jeffery Chipps Smith ed. Catharine Ingersoll, Jessica Weiss, and Alisa McCusker (Turnhout: Brepols, 2018), 165-180.

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DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2019.11.1.2
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Jessica Weiss, "Juan de Flandes and His Financial Success in Castile," Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 11:1 (Winter 2019) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2019.11.1.2