Hugo van der Goes’s Adoration of the Shepherds: Between Ascetic Idealism and Urban Networks in Late Medieval Flanders

Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds,  ca. 1480, Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin

Although the painter withdrew to a Devotio Moderna-associated monastery at the end of his life, this article questions whether Devotio Moderna texts are the right lens through which to view Hugo van der Goes’s Berlin Nativity, proposing instead to examine the painting side-by-side with texts produced in Bruges for the urban lay community to which most of Hugo’s patrons belonged.

DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2014.6.1.1

Acknowledgements

I would like to thank Alison Kettering at JHNA, and Stephan Kemperdick and Beatrix Graf at the Gemäldegalerie Berlin; without their help and encouragement, this article would not exist. I also owe a large debt of gratitude to my JHNA editor Mark Trowbridge and Lisa Regan for their invaluable suggestions. Thank you as well to Samuel Mareel and Jan Dumolyn for their help with translation and to Bret Rothstein, Elizabeth Honig, Bertram Kaschek, Niklaus Largier, Frederik Buylaert, and Kate Rudy, who read and commented on the article in its early stages.

Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds,  ca. 1480,  Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 1 Hugo van der Goes, Adoration of the Shepherds, ca. 1480, oil on panel, 97 x 245 cm. Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. no. 1662A. Foto: Volker-H. Schneider (artwork in the public domain) [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Death of the Virgin,  ca. 1480,  Groeninge Museum, Bruges
Fig. 2 Hugo van der Goes, Death of the Virgin, ca. 1480, oil on panel, 147.8 x 122.5 cm. Groeninge Museum, Bruges, inv. no. 0000.GRO0204.I (artwork in the public domain) [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 1), pre-clean,  ca. 1480,  Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 3 Hugo van der Goes, Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 1), pre-cleaning [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds, detail (fig. 1),  ca. 1480,  Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 4 Detail, Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 1) [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds, detail (fig. 1),  ca. 1480,  Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 5 Detail, Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 1) [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds, detail (fig. 1),  ca. 1480,  Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 6 Detail, Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 1) [comparison viewer]
Dirk Bouts the Elder,  Holy Sacrament Altarpiece,  ca. 1464–67,  Treasury of St. Peter’s Church, Leuven
Fig. 7 Dirk Bouts the Elder, Holy Sacrament Altarpiece, ca. 1464–67, oil on panel, 185 x 294 cm. Treasury of St. Peter’s Church, Leuven (artwork in the public domain) [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Portinari Triptych,  ca. 1476–79,  Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence
Fig. 8 Hugo van der Goes, Portinari Triptych, ca. 1476–79, oil on wood, 253 x 586 cm. Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence, inv. no. 1890, 3191-3 (artwork in the public domain) [comparison viewer]
Dirk Bouts the Elder and Hugo van der Goes,  Saint Hippolyte Triptych,  ca. 1468,  Museum of St. Savior’s Cathedral, Bruges
Fig. 9 Dirk Bouts the Elder and Hugo van der Goes, Saint Hippolyte Triptych, ca. 1468, oil on panel, 90 x 89.2 cm (central panel); 92 x 41 cm (wings). Museum of St. Savior’s Cathedral, Bruges (artwork in the public domain) [comparison viewer]
  1. 1. Berlin, Gemäldegalerie, inv. no. 1622A; Henning Bock and Rainald Grosshans, Gemäldegalerie Berlin: Geschichte der Sammlung und ausgewählte Meisterwerke (Berlin: Staatliche Museen Preußischer Kulturbesitz, 1985), 144–47.

  2. 2. Otto Pächt and Elisabeth Dhanens diverge from the consensus and see the Adoration as an early work. Otto Pächt, Altniederländische Malerei von Rogier van der Weyden bis Gerard David, ed. Monika Rosenauer (Munich: Prestel, 1994), 146; Elisabeth Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes (Antwerp: Fonds Mercator, 1998), 158–59. But dendrochronological evidence suggests that the Adoration was begun after 1476; Rainald Grosshans, “Hugo van der Goes in the Berlin Gemäldegalerie,” in Jérôme Bosch et son entourage et autre études, ed. Hélène Verougstraete and Roger Van Schoute (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2003), 248nn16, 17.

  3. 3. Erwin Panofksy, Early Netherlandish Painting: Its Origins and Its Character (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1971), 1:337.

  4. 4. See, for instance, Susan Koslow, “The Impact of Hugo van der Goes’s Mental Illness and Late-Medieval Religious Attitudes on the Death of the Virgin,” in Healing and History: Essays for George Rosen, ed. Charles E. Rosenburg (Kent: Dawson, 1979), 27–50.

  5. 5. John van Engen argues that “New” is more accurate than the often-used translation “Modern” because it reflects the movement’s sense of itself as a renewed or present-day spirituality; “Introduction,” Devotio Moderna: Basic Writings (New York: Paulist Press, 1988), 10.

  6. 6. Bernhard Ridderbos made the most complete version of this argument; “Die ‘Geburt Christi’ des Hugo van der Goes: Form, Inhalt, Funktion,” Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 32 (1990): 137–52. He reiterates this argument in De melancholie van de kunstenaar: Hugo van der Goes en de oudnederlandse schilderkunst (‹s-Gravenhage: Sdu, 1991), 181–210; and “Objects and Questions,” in Early Netherlandish Paintings: Rediscovery, Reception and Research, ed. Bernhard Ridderbos, Anne van Buren, and Henk van Veen (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2005), 125–33.

  7. 7. Max J. Friedländer proposes a predella; Hugo van der Goes, vol. 4 of Altniederländische Malerei (Berlin: Cassier, 1926), 51. Peter Parshall suggests the alternative of an antipendium; Letters to the Editor, Art Bulletin 58, no. 4 (1976): 639. For the scorch marks, see Grosshans, “Hugo van der Goes in the Berlin Gemäldegalerie,” 244. Two paintings with comparable formats are Hans Memling’s Seven Joys of the Virgin (Alte Pinakothek, Munich), which measures 81.3 x 189.2 cm; Dirk de Vos, Hans Memling: The Complete Works (New York: Harry Abrams, 1994), 173–79; and Petrus Christus’s Lamentation (Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts, Brussels), 98 x 188 cm. For a recent hypothesis on patronage, see Maximiliaan Martens, “New Information on Petrus Christus’ Biography and the Patronage of the Lamentation,” Simiolus 20, no. 1 (1990): 14–17.

  8. 8. Stephan Kemperdick made this suggestion to me in December 2009, pointing to a panel with comparable dimensions from the high altar of the Wiesenkirche in Soest, Westphalia, ca. 1340/50, 342 x 104 cm; Berlin, Gemäldegalerie inv. no. 1519, displayed in the Bode-Museum. See Stephan Kemperdick, Deutsche und böhmische Gemälde 1230–1430: Kritischer Bestandskatalog, Gemäldegalerie Berlin (Petersberg: Imhof, 2010), 52–57.

  9. 9. My thanks to Stephan Kemperdick and Beatrix Graf for allowing me to see the painting in restoration and to the Gemäldegalerie for providing me with an image of the cleaned painting.

  10. 10. Colin Thompson and Lorne Campbell, Hugo van der Goes and the Trinity Panels in Edinburgh (London: A. Zwemmer, 1974), 90-91.

  11. 11. The term applied to the photographic technique used to simulate night scenes shot in daylight. Frank Eugene Beaver, Dictionary of Film Terms: The Aesthetic Companion to Film Art (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 2007), 66.

  12. 12. Whereas many authors have noted the iconic character of the central grouping, Heike Schlie observes a contrast between static and dynamic in the composition; Bilder des Corpus Christi: Sakramentaler Realismus von Jan van Eyck bis Hieronymus Bosch (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 2002), 132.

  13. 13. Alfred Acres, “Small Physical History: The Trickling Past of Early Netherlandish Painting,” in Symbols of Time in the History of Art, ed. Christian Heck and Kristen Lippencott (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), 9.

  14. 14. Acres calls details like these “minute fossils of recent moments;” “Small Physical History,” 20.

  15. 15. While there have been many suggestions for the identities of the prophets, several art historians have made reference to the role of prophets in medieval mystery plays – see for instance, Friedländer, Hugo van der Goes, 51.

  16. 16. Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 146–47. Thank you to the anonymous reviewer who made this suggestion. The symbolism of the curtains has been explored in John Moffitt, “The Veiled Metaphor in Hugo van der Goes’ Berlin Nativity: Isaiah and Jeremiah or Mark and Paul?” Oud Holland 100, no. 3/4 (1986): 157–64.

  17. 17. Panofksy, Early Netherlandish Painting, 1:337.

  18. 18. The convent of Sint-Trudo in Male, which adopted the rule of Windesheim in 1457, was the closest New Devotion-associated institution. There was also a community of Brothers of the Common Life, the Nazareth cloister, in nearby Damme. For a consideration of the ideas of the New Devotion in Bruges and its environs, see Noël Geirnaert, “Sporen van Windesheimse invloed in en rond het laatmiddeleeuwse Brugge,” in Serta Devota: In memoriam Guillelmi Lourdaux, ed. Werner Vebeke et al. (Leuven: University Press Leuven, 1992), 115–31. For a list of cloisters, abbeys, and Beguine institutions in Bruges, see Marc Ryckaert, Historische stedenatlas van België: Brugge, ed. Adriaan Verhulst and Jean-Marie Duvosquel (Brussels: Gemeentekrediet, 1991), 179–205.

  19. 19. Ridderbos, Early Netherlandish Paintings, 128–29.

  20. 20. Heike Schlie argues that the painting’s staggered levels of reality underline its status as an image, declaring to the viewer in effect that the host upon the altar before the painting is the true body of Christ; Bilder des Corpus Christi, 137. As I understand her, this makes the painting a distinct departure from the Netherlandish altarpiece’s usual integration of sacred history and the here-and-now in order to show the ongoing, transformative relevance of the Eucharistic ritual for viewers.

  21. 21. See the English translation of the treatise in Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 98–118. For Ridderbos’s fullest treatment of the subject, see “Die ‘Geburt Christi.’”

  22. 22. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 100.

  23. 23. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 113.

  24. 24. Ridderbos, “Die Geburt Christi,” 141.

  25. 25. Martina B. Klug, Armut und Arbeit in der Devotio Moderna: Studien zum Leben der Schwestern in niederrheinischen Gemeinschaften (Münster: Waxmann, 2005), 44.

  26. 26. For the philosophical tone of the sermon, see Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 42–44. For possible methods of transmission of its ideas to non-Latin literate/philosophically uneducated devotees like Hugo van der Goes, see Ridderbos, “Die ‘Geburt Christi,’” 149–50.

  27. 27. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 42.

  28. 28. I refer here to Bret Rothstein’s use of Robert Scribner’s term “high cultural” to describe an approach to images in the mystical tradition that stems from Augustine, which advocated ascent from the bodily, visible world to the invisible divine. Bret Rothstein, Sight and Spirituality in Early Netherlandish Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 56–57. Robert Scribner, “Popular Piety and Modes of Visual Perception in Late Medieval and Reformation Germany,” in Religion and Culture in Germany (1400-1800), ed. Lyndal Roper (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 115–16.

  29. 29. Kees Waaijman makes a case for the applicability of Grote’s ideas to art; “Beeld en beeldloosheid: Een uitdaging aan de devotie,” in Geen povere schoonheid: Laat-middeleeuwse kunst in verband met de Moderne Devotie, ed. Kees Veelenturf (Nijmegen: Uitgeverij Valkhof Pers, 2000), 31–41.

  30. 30. For a short summary of this multivalent term in medieval usage, see François Boespflug and Christian Heck, “Image, Religious,” in Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages, ed. Andre Vauchez, trans. Adrian Walford (Cambridge: James Clark, 2000), 1:716–18. Rothstein also points to this issue; Sight and Spirituality, 58.

  31. 31. Rothstein perceives the aniconic ideal as the motivating force of the Netherlandish realistic style and its visual paradoxes; Sight and Spirituality, 138.

  32. 32. R. R. Post rejects the idea that the beliefs of Devotio Moderna were unconventional or pre-Reformatory; The Modern Devotion: Confrontation with Reformation and Humanism (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968), 8–18. Ridderbos also points to the issue; De melancholie van de kunstenaar, 208.

  33. 33. Nikolaus Staubach, “Sine votis et regula: Der Rangstreit der geistlichen Lebensformen in der Devotio Moderna,“ in Regula Sancti Augustini: Normative Grundlage differenter Verbände im Mittelalter, ed. Gert Melville and Anne Müller (Abensberg: Augustiner-Chorherren-Verlag, Paring, 2002), 549–51.
            The concepts “monastic” (or “religious”), “semireligious,” and “lay” were not totally straightforward in the late medieval period. I have followed the definitions of Rudolf van Dijk and Thomas Mertens, where “religious” indicates the public profession of ecclesiastically recognized vows and withdrawal to a community that followed a specific rule approved by the Church, like an abbey or cloister. “Semireligious” applies to those who lived in religious communities but did not take ecclesiastically recognized vows, and “lay” is broadly defined to designate someone who did not belong to the clerical hierarchy and did not have another official religious status. Van Dijk and Mertens,“Termen uit het kerkelijk leven van de late middeleeuwen,” in Boeken voor de eeuwigheid: Middelnederlandse geestelijk prosa, ed. Thomas Mertens (Amsterdam: Prometheus, 1993), 343–46.

  34. 34. The Windesheim Congregation and the monasteries under its influence were canons regular, following the rule of Saint Augustine; see Wybren Scheepsma, Medieval Religious Women in the Low Countries: The “Modern Devotion,” the Canonesses of Windesheim, and Their Writings, trans. David F. Johnson (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 57. Other New Devotion groups concentrated in Utrecht, Cologne, and the diocese of Liège followed the Third Rule of Saint Francis; many of these houses switched to the Rule of Saint Augustine and became canons and canonesses regular. Koen Goudriaan, “Empowerment through Reading, Writing and Example: The Devotio Moderna,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity: Christianity in Western Europe c. 1100-1500, ed. Miri Rubin and Walter Simons (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 409–10.

  35. 35. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 12. Whereas Van Dijk and Mertens stress that there is a definite difference between the status of the semireligious and religious, they observe that the New Devout did live a “religious” life in a broader sense, i.e., a life dedicated to spiritual concerns; see Van Dijk and Mertens, “Termen uit het kerklijk leven,” 350; and Scheepsma, Medieval Religious Women, 6. The semireligious wing may have emphasized the ascetic virtues of humility and simplicity so as to exploit their subordinate position and thereby stake a claim to equal religious worth. Staubach, “Sine votis et regula,” 565.

  36. 36. On the defining features of the movement and its reception in modern historiography, see Kaspar Elm, “Die ‘Devotio Moderna’ und die neue Frömmigkeit zwischen Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit,” in Die “Neue Frömmigkeit” in Europa im Spätmittelalter, eds. Marek Derwich and Martial Staub (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004), 15–30.

  37. 37. However, many brothers were also ordained priests. The short-lived Antwerp house, for instance, was inhabited by a chaplain and “two or three devout priests with four or five servants.” Wolfgang Leesch, Ernest Persoons, and Anton G. Weiler, eds., Monasticon Fratrum Vitae Communis: Teil I, Belgien und Nordfrankreich (Brussels: Archives et Bibliothèques de Belgique, 1977), 16–17.

  38. 38. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 12.

  39. 39. In a Palm Sunday sermon, “Sermo in festo palmarum de paupertate,” Grote cited the examples of the apostles and Christ, insisting that voluntary poverty and labor that promoted humility of spirit were essential components of a religious existence; the reality of a life without property was, of course, more complicated; see Klug, Armut und Arbeit, 40–68, 116–20, 134–36.

  40. 40. For a map of frequently mentioned houses, see John van Engen, Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life: The Devotio Moderna and the World of the Later Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 53. In the fifteenth century, houses for the Brothers of the Common Life also existed in Liège and Geraardsbergen as well as (very briefly) Antwerp and Cassel; see the Monasticon Fratrum Vitae Communis: Teil I, 15, 20, 45, 47, 71, 83.

  41. 41. For example, the Latin school for young clerics operated by the brothers in Ghent (1463–1569) was authorized by papal bull to teach topics such as Holy Scripture and other basic things; Monasticon Fratrum Vitae Communis: Teil I, 56–57.

  42. 42. Staubach, “Sine votis et regula,” 550. Goudriaan, “Empowerment through Reading,” 417; and Post, The Modern Devotion, 8–18, remark on how their role as educators and disseminators of humanistic learning has been overestimated. For a description of scriptorium practice and the importance of books for the New Devotion, see J. C. Bedaux, “Boeken bij de Moderne Devotie,” in Geert Grote en de Modern Devotie, ed. C. C. de Bruin, E. Persoons, and A. G. Weiler (Zutphen:Walburg Pers, 1984), 43–49.

  43. 43. For list of publications, see Monasticon Fratrum Vitae Communis: Teil I, 25–29. The text by Geilhoven, a canon regular, is called Gnotosolitos (Know Yourself), a tract on confession produced in a shorter form for young priests, and represents an interesting cross-over between New Devotion’s occupation with both teaching and the printing of religious texts. See A. G. Weiler, Het morele veld van de Moderne Devotie, weerspiegeld in de Gnotosolitos parvus van Arnold Gheyloven van Rotterdam, 1423 (Hilversum: Uitgeverij Verloren, 2006).

  44. 44. Thomas Kock, Die Buchkultur der Devotio Moderna: Handschriftproduktion, Literaturversorgung und Bibliotheksaufbau im Zeitalter des Medienwechsels (Frankfurt: Lang, 1999), 311–12.

  45. 45. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 9.

  46. 46. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 56.

  47. 47. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 16.

  48. 48. J. B. Oosterman, “Pronkzucht en devotie: De overlevering van gebeden in het Gruuthusehandscrift,” in Een zoet akkoord, ed. Frank Willaert (Amsterdam: Prometheus, 1992), 198, 201–2. For Middle Dutch rhyming prayer, see J. B. Oosterman, De gratie van het gebed: Overlevering en functie van Middelnederlandse berijmde gebeden (Amsterdam: Prometheus, 1995).

  49. 49. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 109.

  50. 50. Bret Rothstein, “The Rule of Metaphor and the Play of the Viewer in the Hours of Mary of Burgundy,” in Image and Imagination of the Religious Self in Early Modern Europe, ed. Reindert L. Falkenburg, Walter S. Melion, and Todd M. Richardson (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 237.

  51. 51. Anne-Laure van Bruaene, Om beters wille: Rederijkerskamers en de stedelijke cultuur in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden (1400–1650) (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2008), 42–43. J. B. Oosterman speculates that the writers and readers of the genre of Bruges rhymed prayer, which had a very small circulation, knew each other from participation in organizations in this network, like the Confraternity of the Dry Tree; “A Prayer of One’s Own: Rhymed Prayers and Their Authors in Bruges in the First Half of the Fifteenth Century,” in Flanders in a European Perspective: Manuscript Illumination around 1400 in Flanders and Abroad, ed. Maurits Smeyers and Bert Cardon (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 1995), 738.

  52. 52. For the founding of the chamber, its Bruges context, and the biographies of its earliest members, see Anne-Laure van Bruaene and Laurence Derycke, “Sociale en literaire dynamiek in het vroeg vijftiende-eeuwse Brugge: De oprichting van de rederijkerskamer De Heilige Geest ca. 1428,” in Stad van koopmanschap en vrede: Literatuur in Brugge tussen middeleeuwen en rederijkerstijd, ed. J. B. Oosterman (Leuven: Peeters, 2005), 59–96.

  53. 53. Van Bruaene, Om beters wille, 204–5.

  54. 54. J. B. Oosterman. “Anthonis de Roovere: Het werk; Overlevering, toeschrijving en plaatsbepaling,”Jaarboek De Fonteine 45–46 (1995–96): 30.

  55. 55. Van Bruaene, Om beters wille, 42.

  56. 56. Van Bruaene and Derycke, “Sociale en literaire dynamiek,” 74. My thanks to Mark Trowbridge for pointing this out to me.

  57. 57. For the participation of Ghent visual artists in dramatic activities, see Mark Trowbridge, “Sin and Redemption in Late Medieval Art and Theater: The Magdalen as Role Model in Hugo van Goes’s Vienna Diptych,” in Push Me, Pull You: Imaginative, Emotional and Physical Interaction in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art, ed. Sarah Blick and Laura Gelfand (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 418–26.

  58. 58. For Hugo’s connections to contemporary rhetoricians’ chambers, see Mark Trowbridge, “Late-Medieval Art and Theatre: The Prophets in Hugo van der Goes’s Berlin Adoration of the Shepherds,” in Festschrift for Colin Eisler, ed. Diane Wolfthal (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 144–46.

  59. 59. Trowbridge, “Late-Medieval Art and Theatre,”143–58, esp. 154.

  60. 60. Elisabeth Dhanens argues that the Adoration of the Shepherds belonged to an early phase in Hugo’s career when he completed several works for the convent for Poor Clares in Ghent. Dhanens draws attention to an account of the 1566 iconoclasm by Marcus van Vaernewijck, which mentions that several of the poet’s poems were posted in the chapels of the Ghent Carmelite convent church, where some of Hugo’s works were also displayed. Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 138, 155.

  61. 61. Andrew Brown, Civic Ceremony and Religion in Medieval Bruges (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 180.

  62. 62. De Roovere’s assignment is listed in the Stadsrekeningen Brugge 1467–68, f. 74, item 6; published in Louis Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire des Archives de la Ville de Bruges, vol. 5 (Bruges: Gaillard, 1876), 571. My thanks to Mark Trowbridge for this reference.

  63. 63. Reinhard Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003), 48. For the eulogy, see Samuel Mareel, “For Prince and Townsmen: An Elegy by Anthonis de Roovere on the Death of Charles the Bold,” Mediavalia 27, no. 2 (2006): 59–74.

  64. 64. On the purpose of this chronicle, see Margaret Koster, Hugo van der Goes and the Procedures of Art and Salvation (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 2008), 12–16.

  65. 65. For the preserved oeuvre of the poet, see J. J. Mak, De gedichten van Anthonis de Roovere: Naar alle tot dusver bekende handschriften en oude drukken (Zwolle: Tjeenk Willink, 1955).

  66. 66. An acrostic poem comprises two texts, one embedded in the other as the first or second letter of each line, set off as capital letters. For acrostics in the French vernacular poetry of De Roovere’s contempories, see Gérard Gros, Le Poète marial et l’art graphique: Étude sur les jeux de letters dans les poems pieux du Moyen Age (Caen: Paradigme, 1993), 66–88.

  67. 67. Interestingly, the text of the ode borrows from the writings of Jan van Ruusbroec, a fourteenth-century mystic who influenced Geert Grote. The subject of the poem, the Eucharist, belongs to that large swath of religious material that was celebrated by mystic and townsman alike. For the political function of the ode, see J. B. Oosterman, “Brugge, bid God om vrede: Vroomheidsoffensief van vijftiende-eeuwse rederijkers,” in Conformisten en rebellen: Rederijkerscultuur in de Nederlanden (1400–1650), ed. Bart Ramakers (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2003), 151–52.

  68. 68. “De schoone ghedichten ende loven ghemaect van Anthonis De Roovere, den fluer vande rhetorizienen, ende andere die daer hijnghen in ende an de voornoemde vijf capellen ende eldere, en weet ic niet waer zij bevaren zijn.” Account reproduced in Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, doc. 41.

  69. 69. Mak, De gedichten van Anthonis de Roovere, 45.

  70. 70. The relevant passage is transcribed in J. B. Oosterman, “‘Tussen twee wateren zwem ik’: Antonis de Roovere tussen rederijkers en rhétoriquers,” Jaarboek De Fonteine 49–50 (1999–2000): 13.

  71. 71. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 83.

  72. 72. Mak, De gedichten van Anthonis de Roovere, 197–99.

  73. 73. Translated with much help from Samuel Mareel and Jan Dumolyn.

  74. 74. Oosterman, “‘Tussen twee wateren zwem ik,’” 13–16.

  75. 75. Douay-Rheims Bible.

  76. 76. Acres, “Small Physical History,” 21.

  77. 77. Otto Pächt describes it as a cramped peep-box presenting a picture within a picture; Altniederländische Malerei, 146.

  78. 78. See for instance, Barbara Lane, “‘Ecce Panis Angelorum’: The Manger as Altar in Hugo’s Berlin Nativity,” Art Bulletin 57, no. 4 (1975): 484. John Moffitt departs from consensus and suggests that they are in fact the apostles Mark and Paul; “The Veiled Metaphor,” 157–64.

  79. 79. Rothstein, Sight and Spirituality, 174–88.

  80. 80. Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 1.

  81. 81. Grosshans, “Hugo van der Goes in the Berlin Gemäldegalerie,” 248n16.

  82. 82. For a survey of the arts valued by contemporaries, see Marina Berlozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance: Burgundian Arts across Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 76–145.

  83. 83. Following Maximiliaan Martens’s calculation; “The Position of the Artist in the Fifteenth Century: Salaries and Social Mobility,” in Showing Status: Representations of Social Positions in the Late Middle Ages, ed. Wim Blockmans and Antheun Janse (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 401–10.

  84. 84. The commissions were obviously not equivalent. The Holy Sacrament Altarpiece is made up of five scenes and thus may have required more work in design and execution. Further, the Leuven contract predates the Adoration of the Shepherds by about a decade and a half. However, there is evidence that the two painters were comparable in the minds of contemporaries. When Bouts died in 1475, Hugo stepped in to paint the left wing (with donor portraits) for the triptych that Hippolyte de Berthoz had commissioned from Bouts.

  85. 85. According to Jean-Pierre Sosson, the daily wage for a stonemason in Bruges was set at an average of 10 d. gr., from 1396/97 to 1487; Les Travaux publics de la ville de Bruges, XIVe-XVe siècles: Les matériaux, les hommes (Brussels: Crédit communal de Belgique, 1977), 226. Etienne Scholliers, on the other hand, provides evidence for 12 d. gr. per day for a Bruges stonemason in the early 1470s, with other masters being paid 8–12 d.gr. during the same period; “Lonen te Brugge en in het Brugse Vrije (XVe – XVIIe eeuw),” vol. 2 of Dokumenten voor de gheschiedenis van prijzen en lonen in Vlaanderen en Brabant (XIVe – XIXe eeuw), ed. Charles Verlinden et.al. (Bruges: De Tempel, 1965), 87–160.

  86. 86. According to the contract he was supposed to receive 25 Rhenish guilders in advance, 25 within another year, 50 when the altarpiece was finished, and the remaining 100 would be paid fifteen months after delivery. The surviving records do not show this to be the case – either some of the documents relating to the commission have been lost or Bouts was paid considerably less than stipulated. Maximiliaan Martens, “Patronage,” in Early Netherlandish Paintings: Rediscovery, Reception and Research, ed. Bernhard Ridderbos, Anne van Buren, and Henk van Veen (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2005), 362–63.

  87. 87. Compare with the contract for Sandro Botticelli’s Bardi Altarpiece from 1484 (33,300 cm2), which states that 24 of the 100 gold florins allotted for the altarpiece were to pay for the panel and frame and 40 were to pay for the other materials; see Rembrandt Duits, “Art, Class, and Wealth,” in Viewing Renaissance Art, ed. Kim W. Woods, Carol M. Richardson, and Angeliki Lymberopoulu (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), 28.

  88. 88. It is first mentioned in the collection of Infant Don Sebastian Gabriël de Borba (1811–1875). Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 138.

  89. 89. While the art collections of New Devotion communities may not have been consistent, they do not differ strongly from those in a comparable non-New Devotion cloister or parish church; see Harry Tummers, “Moderne Devoten en sculptuur: De beeldenschat van het klooster Soeterbeeck,” in Geen povere schoonheid. Laat-middeleeuwse kunst in verband met de Moderne Devotie, ed. Kees Veelenturf (Nijmegen:Uitgeverij Valkhof Pers, 2000), 253–71.

  90. 90. On the problem of the beautiful object that espouses the ascetic ideal of the imageless devotion, see Rothstein, Sight and Spirituality, 57, who writes that aniconic devotion may have been “a bit ambitious as a blue print for daily spiritual exercise.”

  91. 91. Dhanens lists the patrons of lost works such as an epitaph for Wouter Ghautier (member of the Ghent Jong-Gilde van Sint-Sebastian), a Saint Luke in the chapel of the Nassau palace, and a Virgin and Child Surrounded by Sibyls and Prophets belonging to Hieronymous Busleyden (founder of the Collegium Trilingue Leuven). She also believes that Guillaume Hugonet was the patron of the Montforte Altarpiece. Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 92,103, 117, 206.

  92. 92. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 72.

  93. 93. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 72.

  94. 94. For the foundation of Portinari’s chapel, see Maximiliaan Martens, «Artistic Patronage in Bruges Institutions, ca. 1440–1482» (PhD diss., University of California, Santa Barbara, 1994), 262–63, and appendix, doc. 117, 532–36.

  95. 95. For the argument that the altarpiece may have been intended for St. James, see Heike Schlie, Bilder des Corpus Christi, 146–47.

  96. 96. For the career and affiliations of Berthoz, see Mereille Jean, Le Chambre des Comptes de Lille: L’institution et les hommes (1447–1667) (Geneva: Librarie Droz, 1992), 284.

  97. 97. Jean, Le Chambre des Comptes de Lille, 193. John Bartier, Légistes et gens de finances au XVe siècle: Les conseillers des Ducs de Bourgogne Philippe le Bon et Charles le Téméraire, (Brussels: Koninklijke Academie van België, 1995), 300.

  98. 98. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 53.

  99. 99. Adolphe Julien Duclos, Bruges: Histoire et souvenirs (Bruges: K. van de Vyvere-Petyt, 1910), 467. The painting is still displayed in St. Savior.

  100. 100. Gros, Le Poète marial, 69–72.

  101. 101. The Bogaertstraat is the present-day Boomgaardstraat. Lorne Campbell, “Edward Bonkil and Hugo van der Goes,” Burlington Magazine 143, no. 1176 (2001): 157.

  102. 102. Campbell, “Edward Bonkil and Hugo van der Goes,” 157–58. For the confraternity, see Andrew Brown, “Bruges and the Burgundian ‘Theatre-State’: Charles the Bold and Our Lady of Snow,” History 84 (1999): 573–89.

  103. 103. Lorne Campbell, “Edward Bonkil: A Scottish Patron of Hugo van der Goes,” Burlington Magazine 126, no. 974 (1984): 271.

  104. 104. On the lack of a rigid structure in the urban society of the Burgundian Netherlands, see Andrew Brown, “Bruges and the Burgundian ‘Theatre-State,’” 587. For the social flexibility of the urban Flanders, see Frederik Buylaert, “La ‘noblesse urbaine’ à Bruges (1363–1563): Naissance d’un nouveau groupe social?” in Les Nobles et la ville dans l’espace francophone XIIe – XVIe siècles, ed. Thierry Dutour (Paris: Presse Universitaire de France, 2009), 247–75.

  105. 105. For the different types and functions of confraternities in fifteenth-century Flanders, see Paul Trio, Volksreligie als spiegel van een stedelijke samenleving: De broederschappen te Gent in de late middeleeuwen (Leuven: Universitaire Pers Leuven, 1993), 330-38.

  106. 106. Brown, “Bruges and the Burgundian ‘Theatre-State,’” 585.For the different types and functions of confraternities in fifteenth-century Flanders, see Paul Trio, Volksreligie als spiegel van een stedelijke samenleving: De broederschappen te Gent in de late middeleeuwen (Leuven: Universitaire Pers Leuven, 1993), 330-38.

  107. 107. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 72.

  108. 108. Van Bruaene, Om beters wille, 201–5.

  109. 109. Andrew Brown, “Urban Jousts in the Later Middle Ages: The White Bear of Bruges,” Belgisch tijdschrift voor filologie en geschiedenis 78, no. 2 (2000): 318. Jan Dumolyn discusses a similar overlap of religious, political, and personal harmony in a poem relating to the proceedings of the White Bear; “Les ‘Sept Portes de Bruges’ dans le manuscrit Gruuthuse (début du 15e siècle): Une idéologie urbaine ‘bricolée,’” Revue Belge de philologie et d‘histoire 88, no. 4 (2010): 1039–84.

  110. 110. Ryckaert, Historische stedenatlas van België: Brugge, 179–205.

  111. 111. On the importance of votive gifts in the Burgundian Netherlands, see Hugo van der Velden, The Donor’s Image: Gerard Loyet and the Votive Portraits of Charles the Bold, trans. Beverley Jackson (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000).

  112. 112. See, for example, the foundation document for the Vijd chapel in the St. John’s Church (where the Adoration of the Lamb was displayed); quoted in Peter Schmidt, Het Lam Gods (Leuven: Davidsfonds, 2005), 25.

  113. 113. On the Adoration, see Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 158–59. The Death of the Virgin was first mentioned in 1777 in the collection of the Cistercian Ter Duinen Abbey outside of Bruges. In 1778 and 1779, it was listed together with a sixteenth-century copy (now in Bruges, St. Savior Cathedral), suggesting that the original was already in the collection at the time the copy was made. Noël Geirnaert thinks it was commissioned by Johannes Crabbe, the abbot of Ter Duinen in the late fifteenth century and a well-known art patron, whereas Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 333–36, believes the painting may have been made for the Rooklooster and bought by the abbey after Hugo’s death. Noël Geirnaert, “Van Vlaanderen naar Brabant: Hugo van der Goes, Lekenbroeder in Rooklooster” in In de voetsporen van Jacob van Maerlant: Liber amicorum Raf De Keyser; Verzameling opstellen over middeleeuwse geschiedenis en geschiedenisdidactiek, ed. Raoul Bauert et al. (Leuven: University Press Leuven, 2002), 351-56. See also Koslow, “The Impact of Hugo van der Goes’s Mental Illness,” 32.

  114. 114. Maurits Smeyers, Dirk Bouts (ca. 1410–1475): Een Vlaams primitief te Leueven, tentoonstellingcatalogus, ed. Maurits Smeyers and Katharina Smeyers (Leuven: Peeters, 1998), 13.

  115. 115. Another possible comparison is with Memling’s Saint Sebastian (Brussels, Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts), a single panel with no portraits, perhaps intended for the chapel of the St. Sebastian’s Guild. Dirk de Vos, Hans Memling: Het volledige oeuvre (Antwerp: Mercatorfonds Paribas, 1994), 134.

  116. 116. Amy Powell, “The Errant Image: Rogier van der Weyden’s Deposition from the Cross and Its Copies,” Art History 29, no. 4 (2006): 545.

  117. 117. For the role of play in devotional art, see Rothstein, “The Rule of Metaphor,” 235–75.

  118. 118. Dumolyn, “Les ‘Sept Portes de Bruges,’” 1083–84.

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List of Illustrations

Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds,  ca. 1480,  Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 1 Hugo van der Goes, Adoration of the Shepherds, ca. 1480, oil on panel, 97 x 245 cm. Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, inv. no. 1662A. Foto: Volker-H. Schneider (artwork in the public domain) [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Death of the Virgin,  ca. 1480,  Groeninge Museum, Bruges
Fig. 2 Hugo van der Goes, Death of the Virgin, ca. 1480, oil on panel, 147.8 x 122.5 cm. Groeninge Museum, Bruges, inv. no. 0000.GRO0204.I (artwork in the public domain) [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 1), pre-clean,  ca. 1480,  Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 3 Hugo van der Goes, Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 1), pre-cleaning [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds, detail (fig. 1),  ca. 1480,  Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 4 Detail, Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 1) [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds, detail (fig. 1),  ca. 1480,  Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 5 Detail, Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 1) [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Adoration of the Shepherds, detail (fig. 1),  ca. 1480,  Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 6 Detail, Adoration of the Shepherds (fig. 1) [comparison viewer]
Dirk Bouts the Elder,  Holy Sacrament Altarpiece,  ca. 1464–67,  Treasury of St. Peter’s Church, Leuven
Fig. 7 Dirk Bouts the Elder, Holy Sacrament Altarpiece, ca. 1464–67, oil on panel, 185 x 294 cm. Treasury of St. Peter’s Church, Leuven (artwork in the public domain) [comparison viewer]
Hugo van der Goes,  Portinari Triptych,  ca. 1476–79,  Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence
Fig. 8 Hugo van der Goes, Portinari Triptych, ca. 1476–79, oil on wood, 253 x 586 cm. Galleria degli Uffizi, Florence, inv. no. 1890, 3191-3 (artwork in the public domain) [comparison viewer]
Dirk Bouts the Elder and Hugo van der Goes,  Saint Hippolyte Triptych,  ca. 1468,  Museum of St. Savior’s Cathedral, Bruges
Fig. 9 Dirk Bouts the Elder and Hugo van der Goes, Saint Hippolyte Triptych, ca. 1468, oil on panel, 90 x 89.2 cm (central panel); 92 x 41 cm (wings). Museum of St. Savior’s Cathedral, Bruges (artwork in the public domain) [comparison viewer]

Footnotes

  1. 1. Berlin, Gemäldegalerie, inv. no. 1622A; Henning Bock and Rainald Grosshans, Gemäldegalerie Berlin: Geschichte der Sammlung und ausgewählte Meisterwerke (Berlin: Staatliche Museen Preußischer Kulturbesitz, 1985), 144–47.

  2. 2. Otto Pächt and Elisabeth Dhanens diverge from the consensus and see the Adoration as an early work. Otto Pächt, Altniederländische Malerei von Rogier van der Weyden bis Gerard David, ed. Monika Rosenauer (Munich: Prestel, 1994), 146; Elisabeth Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes (Antwerp: Fonds Mercator, 1998), 158–59. But dendrochronological evidence suggests that the Adoration was begun after 1476; Rainald Grosshans, “Hugo van der Goes in the Berlin Gemäldegalerie,” in Jérôme Bosch et son entourage et autre études, ed. Hélène Verougstraete and Roger Van Schoute (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2003), 248nn16, 17.

  3. 3. Erwin Panofksy, Early Netherlandish Painting: Its Origins and Its Character (New York: Harper & Row Publishers, 1971), 1:337.

  4. 4. See, for instance, Susan Koslow, “The Impact of Hugo van der Goes’s Mental Illness and Late-Medieval Religious Attitudes on the Death of the Virgin,” in Healing and History: Essays for George Rosen, ed. Charles E. Rosenburg (Kent: Dawson, 1979), 27–50.

  5. 5. John van Engen argues that “New” is more accurate than the often-used translation “Modern” because it reflects the movement’s sense of itself as a renewed or present-day spirituality; “Introduction,” Devotio Moderna: Basic Writings (New York: Paulist Press, 1988), 10.

  6. 6. Bernhard Ridderbos made the most complete version of this argument; “Die ‘Geburt Christi’ des Hugo van der Goes: Form, Inhalt, Funktion,” Jahrbuch der Berliner Museen 32 (1990): 137–52. He reiterates this argument in De melancholie van de kunstenaar: Hugo van der Goes en de oudnederlandse schilderkunst (‹s-Gravenhage: Sdu, 1991), 181–210; and “Objects and Questions,” in Early Netherlandish Paintings: Rediscovery, Reception and Research, ed. Bernhard Ridderbos, Anne van Buren, and Henk van Veen (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2005), 125–33.

  7. 7. Max J. Friedländer proposes a predella; Hugo van der Goes, vol. 4 of Altniederländische Malerei (Berlin: Cassier, 1926), 51. Peter Parshall suggests the alternative of an antipendium; Letters to the Editor, Art Bulletin 58, no. 4 (1976): 639. For the scorch marks, see Grosshans, “Hugo van der Goes in the Berlin Gemäldegalerie,” 244. Two paintings with comparable formats are Hans Memling’s Seven Joys of the Virgin (Alte Pinakothek, Munich), which measures 81.3 x 189.2 cm; Dirk de Vos, Hans Memling: The Complete Works (New York: Harry Abrams, 1994), 173–79; and Petrus Christus’s Lamentation (Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts, Brussels), 98 x 188 cm. For a recent hypothesis on patronage, see Maximiliaan Martens, “New Information on Petrus Christus’ Biography and the Patronage of the Lamentation,” Simiolus 20, no. 1 (1990): 14–17.

  8. 8. Stephan Kemperdick made this suggestion to me in December 2009, pointing to a panel with comparable dimensions from the high altar of the Wiesenkirche in Soest, Westphalia, ca. 1340/50, 342 x 104 cm; Berlin, Gemäldegalerie inv. no. 1519, displayed in the Bode-Museum. See Stephan Kemperdick, Deutsche und böhmische Gemälde 1230–1430: Kritischer Bestandskatalog, Gemäldegalerie Berlin (Petersberg: Imhof, 2010), 52–57.

  9. 9. My thanks to Stephan Kemperdick and Beatrix Graf for allowing me to see the painting in restoration and to the Gemäldegalerie for providing me with an image of the cleaned painting.

  10. 10. Colin Thompson and Lorne Campbell, Hugo van der Goes and the Trinity Panels in Edinburgh (London: A. Zwemmer, 1974), 90-91.

  11. 11. The term applied to the photographic technique used to simulate night scenes shot in daylight. Frank Eugene Beaver, Dictionary of Film Terms: The Aesthetic Companion to Film Art (New York: Peter Lang Publishing, Inc., 2007), 66.

  12. 12. Whereas many authors have noted the iconic character of the central grouping, Heike Schlie observes a contrast between static and dynamic in the composition; Bilder des Corpus Christi: Sakramentaler Realismus von Jan van Eyck bis Hieronymus Bosch (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 2002), 132.

  13. 13. Alfred Acres, “Small Physical History: The Trickling Past of Early Netherlandish Painting,” in Symbols of Time in the History of Art, ed. Christian Heck and Kristen Lippencott (Turnhout: Brepols, 2002), 9.

  14. 14. Acres calls details like these “minute fossils of recent moments;” “Small Physical History,” 20.

  15. 15. While there have been many suggestions for the identities of the prophets, several art historians have made reference to the role of prophets in medieval mystery plays – see for instance, Friedländer, Hugo van der Goes, 51.

  16. 16. Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 146–47. Thank you to the anonymous reviewer who made this suggestion. The symbolism of the curtains has been explored in John Moffitt, “The Veiled Metaphor in Hugo van der Goes’ Berlin Nativity: Isaiah and Jeremiah or Mark and Paul?” Oud Holland 100, no. 3/4 (1986): 157–64.

  17. 17. Panofksy, Early Netherlandish Painting, 1:337.

  18. 18. The convent of Sint-Trudo in Male, which adopted the rule of Windesheim in 1457, was the closest New Devotion-associated institution. There was also a community of Brothers of the Common Life, the Nazareth cloister, in nearby Damme. For a consideration of the ideas of the New Devotion in Bruges and its environs, see Noël Geirnaert, “Sporen van Windesheimse invloed in en rond het laatmiddeleeuwse Brugge,” in Serta Devota: In memoriam Guillelmi Lourdaux, ed. Werner Vebeke et al. (Leuven: University Press Leuven, 1992), 115–31. For a list of cloisters, abbeys, and Beguine institutions in Bruges, see Marc Ryckaert, Historische stedenatlas van België: Brugge, ed. Adriaan Verhulst and Jean-Marie Duvosquel (Brussels: Gemeentekrediet, 1991), 179–205.

  19. 19. Ridderbos, Early Netherlandish Paintings, 128–29.

  20. 20. Heike Schlie argues that the painting’s staggered levels of reality underline its status as an image, declaring to the viewer in effect that the host upon the altar before the painting is the true body of Christ; Bilder des Corpus Christi, 137. As I understand her, this makes the painting a distinct departure from the Netherlandish altarpiece’s usual integration of sacred history and the here-and-now in order to show the ongoing, transformative relevance of the Eucharistic ritual for viewers.

  21. 21. See the English translation of the treatise in Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 98–118. For Ridderbos’s fullest treatment of the subject, see “Die ‘Geburt Christi.’”

  22. 22. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 100.

  23. 23. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 113.

  24. 24. Ridderbos, “Die Geburt Christi,” 141.

  25. 25. Martina B. Klug, Armut und Arbeit in der Devotio Moderna: Studien zum Leben der Schwestern in niederrheinischen Gemeinschaften (Münster: Waxmann, 2005), 44.

  26. 26. For the philosophical tone of the sermon, see Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 42–44. For possible methods of transmission of its ideas to non-Latin literate/philosophically uneducated devotees like Hugo van der Goes, see Ridderbos, “Die ‘Geburt Christi,’” 149–50.

  27. 27. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 42.

  28. 28. I refer here to Bret Rothstein’s use of Robert Scribner’s term “high cultural” to describe an approach to images in the mystical tradition that stems from Augustine, which advocated ascent from the bodily, visible world to the invisible divine. Bret Rothstein, Sight and Spirituality in Early Netherlandish Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), 56–57. Robert Scribner, “Popular Piety and Modes of Visual Perception in Late Medieval and Reformation Germany,” in Religion and Culture in Germany (1400-1800), ed. Lyndal Roper (Leiden: Brill, 2001), 115–16.

  29. 29. Kees Waaijman makes a case for the applicability of Grote’s ideas to art; “Beeld en beeldloosheid: Een uitdaging aan de devotie,” in Geen povere schoonheid: Laat-middeleeuwse kunst in verband met de Moderne Devotie, ed. Kees Veelenturf (Nijmegen: Uitgeverij Valkhof Pers, 2000), 31–41.

  30. 30. For a short summary of this multivalent term in medieval usage, see François Boespflug and Christian Heck, “Image, Religious,” in Encyclopedia of the Middle Ages, ed. Andre Vauchez, trans. Adrian Walford (Cambridge: James Clark, 2000), 1:716–18. Rothstein also points to this issue; Sight and Spirituality, 58.

  31. 31. Rothstein perceives the aniconic ideal as the motivating force of the Netherlandish realistic style and its visual paradoxes; Sight and Spirituality, 138.

  32. 32. R. R. Post rejects the idea that the beliefs of Devotio Moderna were unconventional or pre-Reformatory; The Modern Devotion: Confrontation with Reformation and Humanism (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1968), 8–18. Ridderbos also points to the issue; De melancholie van de kunstenaar, 208.

  33. 33. Nikolaus Staubach, “Sine votis et regula: Der Rangstreit der geistlichen Lebensformen in der Devotio Moderna,“ in Regula Sancti Augustini: Normative Grundlage differenter Verbände im Mittelalter, ed. Gert Melville and Anne Müller (Abensberg: Augustiner-Chorherren-Verlag, Paring, 2002), 549–51.
            The concepts “monastic” (or “religious”), “semireligious,” and “lay” were not totally straightforward in the late medieval period. I have followed the definitions of Rudolf van Dijk and Thomas Mertens, where “religious” indicates the public profession of ecclesiastically recognized vows and withdrawal to a community that followed a specific rule approved by the Church, like an abbey or cloister. “Semireligious” applies to those who lived in religious communities but did not take ecclesiastically recognized vows, and “lay” is broadly defined to designate someone who did not belong to the clerical hierarchy and did not have another official religious status. Van Dijk and Mertens,“Termen uit het kerkelijk leven van de late middeleeuwen,” in Boeken voor de eeuwigheid: Middelnederlandse geestelijk prosa, ed. Thomas Mertens (Amsterdam: Prometheus, 1993), 343–46.

  34. 34. The Windesheim Congregation and the monasteries under its influence were canons regular, following the rule of Saint Augustine; see Wybren Scheepsma, Medieval Religious Women in the Low Countries: The “Modern Devotion,” the Canonesses of Windesheim, and Their Writings, trans. David F. Johnson (Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 2004), 57. Other New Devotion groups concentrated in Utrecht, Cologne, and the diocese of Liège followed the Third Rule of Saint Francis; many of these houses switched to the Rule of Saint Augustine and became canons and canonesses regular. Koen Goudriaan, “Empowerment through Reading, Writing and Example: The Devotio Moderna,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity: Christianity in Western Europe c. 1100-1500, ed. Miri Rubin and Walter Simons (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2009), 409–10.

  35. 35. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 12. Whereas Van Dijk and Mertens stress that there is a definite difference between the status of the semireligious and religious, they observe that the New Devout did live a “religious” life in a broader sense, i.e., a life dedicated to spiritual concerns; see Van Dijk and Mertens, “Termen uit het kerklijk leven,” 350; and Scheepsma, Medieval Religious Women, 6. The semireligious wing may have emphasized the ascetic virtues of humility and simplicity so as to exploit their subordinate position and thereby stake a claim to equal religious worth. Staubach, “Sine votis et regula,” 565.

  36. 36. On the defining features of the movement and its reception in modern historiography, see Kaspar Elm, “Die ‘Devotio Moderna’ und die neue Frömmigkeit zwischen Spätmittelalter und früher Neuzeit,” in Die “Neue Frömmigkeit” in Europa im Spätmittelalter, eds. Marek Derwich and Martial Staub (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004), 15–30.

  37. 37. However, many brothers were also ordained priests. The short-lived Antwerp house, for instance, was inhabited by a chaplain and “two or three devout priests with four or five servants.” Wolfgang Leesch, Ernest Persoons, and Anton G. Weiler, eds., Monasticon Fratrum Vitae Communis: Teil I, Belgien und Nordfrankreich (Brussels: Archives et Bibliothèques de Belgique, 1977), 16–17.

  38. 38. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 12.

  39. 39. In a Palm Sunday sermon, “Sermo in festo palmarum de paupertate,” Grote cited the examples of the apostles and Christ, insisting that voluntary poverty and labor that promoted humility of spirit were essential components of a religious existence; the reality of a life without property was, of course, more complicated; see Klug, Armut und Arbeit, 40–68, 116–20, 134–36.

  40. 40. For a map of frequently mentioned houses, see John van Engen, Sisters and Brothers of the Common Life: The Devotio Moderna and the World of the Later Middle Ages (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008), 53. In the fifteenth century, houses for the Brothers of the Common Life also existed in Liège and Geraardsbergen as well as (very briefly) Antwerp and Cassel; see the Monasticon Fratrum Vitae Communis: Teil I, 15, 20, 45, 47, 71, 83.

  41. 41. For example, the Latin school for young clerics operated by the brothers in Ghent (1463–1569) was authorized by papal bull to teach topics such as Holy Scripture and other basic things; Monasticon Fratrum Vitae Communis: Teil I, 56–57.

  42. 42. Staubach, “Sine votis et regula,” 550. Goudriaan, “Empowerment through Reading,” 417; and Post, The Modern Devotion, 8–18, remark on how their role as educators and disseminators of humanistic learning has been overestimated. For a description of scriptorium practice and the importance of books for the New Devotion, see J. C. Bedaux, “Boeken bij de Moderne Devotie,” in Geert Grote en de Modern Devotie, ed. C. C. de Bruin, E. Persoons, and A. G. Weiler (Zutphen:Walburg Pers, 1984), 43–49.

  43. 43. For list of publications, see Monasticon Fratrum Vitae Communis: Teil I, 25–29. The text by Geilhoven, a canon regular, is called Gnotosolitos (Know Yourself), a tract on confession produced in a shorter form for young priests, and represents an interesting cross-over between New Devotion’s occupation with both teaching and the printing of religious texts. See A. G. Weiler, Het morele veld van de Moderne Devotie, weerspiegeld in de Gnotosolitos parvus van Arnold Gheyloven van Rotterdam, 1423 (Hilversum: Uitgeverij Verloren, 2006).

  44. 44. Thomas Kock, Die Buchkultur der Devotio Moderna: Handschriftproduktion, Literaturversorgung und Bibliotheksaufbau im Zeitalter des Medienwechsels (Frankfurt: Lang, 1999), 311–12.

  45. 45. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 9.

  46. 46. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 56.

  47. 47. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 16.

  48. 48. J. B. Oosterman, “Pronkzucht en devotie: De overlevering van gebeden in het Gruuthusehandscrift,” in Een zoet akkoord, ed. Frank Willaert (Amsterdam: Prometheus, 1992), 198, 201–2. For Middle Dutch rhyming prayer, see J. B. Oosterman, De gratie van het gebed: Overlevering en functie van Middelnederlandse berijmde gebeden (Amsterdam: Prometheus, 1995).

  49. 49. Van Engen, Devotio Moderna, 109.

  50. 50. Bret Rothstein, “The Rule of Metaphor and the Play of the Viewer in the Hours of Mary of Burgundy,” in Image and Imagination of the Religious Self in Early Modern Europe, ed. Reindert L. Falkenburg, Walter S. Melion, and Todd M. Richardson (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 237.

  51. 51. Anne-Laure van Bruaene, Om beters wille: Rederijkerskamers en de stedelijke cultuur in de Zuidelijke Nederlanden (1400–1650) (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2008), 42–43. J. B. Oosterman speculates that the writers and readers of the genre of Bruges rhymed prayer, which had a very small circulation, knew each other from participation in organizations in this network, like the Confraternity of the Dry Tree; “A Prayer of One’s Own: Rhymed Prayers and Their Authors in Bruges in the First Half of the Fifteenth Century,” in Flanders in a European Perspective: Manuscript Illumination around 1400 in Flanders and Abroad, ed. Maurits Smeyers and Bert Cardon (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 1995), 738.

  52. 52. For the founding of the chamber, its Bruges context, and the biographies of its earliest members, see Anne-Laure van Bruaene and Laurence Derycke, “Sociale en literaire dynamiek in het vroeg vijftiende-eeuwse Brugge: De oprichting van de rederijkerskamer De Heilige Geest ca. 1428,” in Stad van koopmanschap en vrede: Literatuur in Brugge tussen middeleeuwen en rederijkerstijd, ed. J. B. Oosterman (Leuven: Peeters, 2005), 59–96.

  53. 53. Van Bruaene, Om beters wille, 204–5.

  54. 54. J. B. Oosterman. “Anthonis de Roovere: Het werk; Overlevering, toeschrijving en plaatsbepaling,”Jaarboek De Fonteine 45–46 (1995–96): 30.

  55. 55. Van Bruaene, Om beters wille, 42.

  56. 56. Van Bruaene and Derycke, “Sociale en literaire dynamiek,” 74. My thanks to Mark Trowbridge for pointing this out to me.

  57. 57. For the participation of Ghent visual artists in dramatic activities, see Mark Trowbridge, “Sin and Redemption in Late Medieval Art and Theater: The Magdalen as Role Model in Hugo van Goes’s Vienna Diptych,” in Push Me, Pull You: Imaginative, Emotional and Physical Interaction in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art, ed. Sarah Blick and Laura Gelfand (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 418–26.

  58. 58. For Hugo’s connections to contemporary rhetoricians’ chambers, see Mark Trowbridge, “Late-Medieval Art and Theatre: The Prophets in Hugo van der Goes’s Berlin Adoration of the Shepherds,” in Festschrift for Colin Eisler, ed. Diane Wolfthal (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2010), 144–46.

  59. 59. Trowbridge, “Late-Medieval Art and Theatre,”143–58, esp. 154.

  60. 60. Elisabeth Dhanens argues that the Adoration of the Shepherds belonged to an early phase in Hugo’s career when he completed several works for the convent for Poor Clares in Ghent. Dhanens draws attention to an account of the 1566 iconoclasm by Marcus van Vaernewijck, which mentions that several of the poet’s poems were posted in the chapels of the Ghent Carmelite convent church, where some of Hugo’s works were also displayed. Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 138, 155.

  61. 61. Andrew Brown, Civic Ceremony and Religion in Medieval Bruges (Cambridge; New York: Cambridge University Press, 2011), 180.

  62. 62. De Roovere’s assignment is listed in the Stadsrekeningen Brugge 1467–68, f. 74, item 6; published in Louis Gilliodts-Van Severen, Inventaire des Archives de la Ville de Bruges, vol. 5 (Bruges: Gaillard, 1876), 571. My thanks to Mark Trowbridge for this reference.

  63. 63. Reinhard Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003), 48. For the eulogy, see Samuel Mareel, “For Prince and Townsmen: An Elegy by Anthonis de Roovere on the Death of Charles the Bold,” Mediavalia 27, no. 2 (2006): 59–74.

  64. 64. On the purpose of this chronicle, see Margaret Koster, Hugo van der Goes and the Procedures of Art and Salvation (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 2008), 12–16.

  65. 65. For the preserved oeuvre of the poet, see J. J. Mak, De gedichten van Anthonis de Roovere: Naar alle tot dusver bekende handschriften en oude drukken (Zwolle: Tjeenk Willink, 1955).

  66. 66. An acrostic poem comprises two texts, one embedded in the other as the first or second letter of each line, set off as capital letters. For acrostics in the French vernacular poetry of De Roovere’s contempories, see Gérard Gros, Le Poète marial et l’art graphique: Étude sur les jeux de letters dans les poems pieux du Moyen Age (Caen: Paradigme, 1993), 66–88.

  67. 67. Interestingly, the text of the ode borrows from the writings of Jan van Ruusbroec, a fourteenth-century mystic who influenced Geert Grote. The subject of the poem, the Eucharist, belongs to that large swath of religious material that was celebrated by mystic and townsman alike. For the political function of the ode, see J. B. Oosterman, “Brugge, bid God om vrede: Vroomheidsoffensief van vijftiende-eeuwse rederijkers,” in Conformisten en rebellen: Rederijkerscultuur in de Nederlanden (1400–1650), ed. Bart Ramakers (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2003), 151–52.

  68. 68. “De schoone ghedichten ende loven ghemaect van Anthonis De Roovere, den fluer vande rhetorizienen, ende andere die daer hijnghen in ende an de voornoemde vijf capellen ende eldere, en weet ic niet waer zij bevaren zijn.” Account reproduced in Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, doc. 41.

  69. 69. Mak, De gedichten van Anthonis de Roovere, 45.

  70. 70. The relevant passage is transcribed in J. B. Oosterman, “‘Tussen twee wateren zwem ik’: Antonis de Roovere tussen rederijkers en rhétoriquers,” Jaarboek De Fonteine 49–50 (1999–2000): 13.

  71. 71. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 83.

  72. 72. Mak, De gedichten van Anthonis de Roovere, 197–99.

  73. 73. Translated with much help from Samuel Mareel and Jan Dumolyn.

  74. 74. Oosterman, “‘Tussen twee wateren zwem ik,’” 13–16.

  75. 75. Douay-Rheims Bible.

  76. 76. Acres, “Small Physical History,” 21.

  77. 77. Otto Pächt describes it as a cramped peep-box presenting a picture within a picture; Altniederländische Malerei, 146.

  78. 78. See for instance, Barbara Lane, “‘Ecce Panis Angelorum’: The Manger as Altar in Hugo’s Berlin Nativity,” Art Bulletin 57, no. 4 (1975): 484. John Moffitt departs from consensus and suggests that they are in fact the apostles Mark and Paul; “The Veiled Metaphor,” 157–64.

  79. 79. Rothstein, Sight and Spirituality, 174–88.

  80. 80. Michael Baxandall, Painting and Experience in Fifteenth-Century Italy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1988), 1.

  81. 81. Grosshans, “Hugo van der Goes in the Berlin Gemäldegalerie,” 248n16.

  82. 82. For a survey of the arts valued by contemporaries, see Marina Berlozerskaya, Rethinking the Renaissance: Burgundian Arts across Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 76–145.

  83. 83. Following Maximiliaan Martens’s calculation; “The Position of the Artist in the Fifteenth Century: Salaries and Social Mobility,” in Showing Status: Representations of Social Positions in the Late Middle Ages, ed. Wim Blockmans and Antheun Janse (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 401–10.

  84. 84. The commissions were obviously not equivalent. The Holy Sacrament Altarpiece is made up of five scenes and thus may have required more work in design and execution. Further, the Leuven contract predates the Adoration of the Shepherds by about a decade and a half. However, there is evidence that the two painters were comparable in the minds of contemporaries. When Bouts died in 1475, Hugo stepped in to paint the left wing (with donor portraits) for the triptych that Hippolyte de Berthoz had commissioned from Bouts.

  85. 85. According to Jean-Pierre Sosson, the daily wage for a stonemason in Bruges was set at an average of 10 d. gr., from 1396/97 to 1487; Les Travaux publics de la ville de Bruges, XIVe-XVe siècles: Les matériaux, les hommes (Brussels: Crédit communal de Belgique, 1977), 226. Etienne Scholliers, on the other hand, provides evidence for 12 d. gr. per day for a Bruges stonemason in the early 1470s, with other masters being paid 8–12 d.gr. during the same period; “Lonen te Brugge en in het Brugse Vrije (XVe – XVIIe eeuw),” vol. 2 of Dokumenten voor de gheschiedenis van prijzen en lonen in Vlaanderen en Brabant (XIVe – XIXe eeuw), ed. Charles Verlinden et.al. (Bruges: De Tempel, 1965), 87–160.

  86. 86. According to the contract he was supposed to receive 25 Rhenish guilders in advance, 25 within another year, 50 when the altarpiece was finished, and the remaining 100 would be paid fifteen months after delivery. The surviving records do not show this to be the case – either some of the documents relating to the commission have been lost or Bouts was paid considerably less than stipulated. Maximiliaan Martens, “Patronage,” in Early Netherlandish Paintings: Rediscovery, Reception and Research, ed. Bernhard Ridderbos, Anne van Buren, and Henk van Veen (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2005), 362–63.

  87. 87. Compare with the contract for Sandro Botticelli’s Bardi Altarpiece from 1484 (33,300 cm2), which states that 24 of the 100 gold florins allotted for the altarpiece were to pay for the panel and frame and 40 were to pay for the other materials; see Rembrandt Duits, “Art, Class, and Wealth,” in Viewing Renaissance Art, ed. Kim W. Woods, Carol M. Richardson, and Angeliki Lymberopoulu (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007), 28.

  88. 88. It is first mentioned in the collection of Infant Don Sebastian Gabriël de Borba (1811–1875). Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 138.

  89. 89. While the art collections of New Devotion communities may not have been consistent, they do not differ strongly from those in a comparable non-New Devotion cloister or parish church; see Harry Tummers, “Moderne Devoten en sculptuur: De beeldenschat van het klooster Soeterbeeck,” in Geen povere schoonheid. Laat-middeleeuwse kunst in verband met de Moderne Devotie, ed. Kees Veelenturf (Nijmegen:Uitgeverij Valkhof Pers, 2000), 253–71.

  90. 90. On the problem of the beautiful object that espouses the ascetic ideal of the imageless devotion, see Rothstein, Sight and Spirituality, 57, who writes that aniconic devotion may have been “a bit ambitious as a blue print for daily spiritual exercise.”

  91. 91. Dhanens lists the patrons of lost works such as an epitaph for Wouter Ghautier (member of the Ghent Jong-Gilde van Sint-Sebastian), a Saint Luke in the chapel of the Nassau palace, and a Virgin and Child Surrounded by Sibyls and Prophets belonging to Hieronymous Busleyden (founder of the Collegium Trilingue Leuven). She also believes that Guillaume Hugonet was the patron of the Montforte Altarpiece. Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 92,103, 117, 206.

  92. 92. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 72.

  93. 93. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 72.

  94. 94. For the foundation of Portinari’s chapel, see Maximiliaan Martens, «Artistic Patronage in Bruges Institutions, ca. 1440–1482» (PhD diss., University of California, Santa Barbara, 1994), 262–63, and appendix, doc. 117, 532–36.

  95. 95. For the argument that the altarpiece may have been intended for St. James, see Heike Schlie, Bilder des Corpus Christi, 146–47.

  96. 96. For the career and affiliations of Berthoz, see Mereille Jean, Le Chambre des Comptes de Lille: L’institution et les hommes (1447–1667) (Geneva: Librarie Droz, 1992), 284.

  97. 97. Jean, Le Chambre des Comptes de Lille, 193. John Bartier, Légistes et gens de finances au XVe siècle: Les conseillers des Ducs de Bourgogne Philippe le Bon et Charles le Téméraire, (Brussels: Koninklijke Academie van België, 1995), 300.

  98. 98. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 53.

  99. 99. Adolphe Julien Duclos, Bruges: Histoire et souvenirs (Bruges: K. van de Vyvere-Petyt, 1910), 467. The painting is still displayed in St. Savior.

  100. 100. Gros, Le Poète marial, 69–72.

  101. 101. The Bogaertstraat is the present-day Boomgaardstraat. Lorne Campbell, “Edward Bonkil and Hugo van der Goes,” Burlington Magazine 143, no. 1176 (2001): 157.

  102. 102. Campbell, “Edward Bonkil and Hugo van der Goes,” 157–58. For the confraternity, see Andrew Brown, “Bruges and the Burgundian ‘Theatre-State’: Charles the Bold and Our Lady of Snow,” History 84 (1999): 573–89.

  103. 103. Lorne Campbell, “Edward Bonkil: A Scottish Patron of Hugo van der Goes,” Burlington Magazine 126, no. 974 (1984): 271.

  104. 104. On the lack of a rigid structure in the urban society of the Burgundian Netherlands, see Andrew Brown, “Bruges and the Burgundian ‘Theatre-State,’” 587. For the social flexibility of the urban Flanders, see Frederik Buylaert, “La ‘noblesse urbaine’ à Bruges (1363–1563): Naissance d’un nouveau groupe social?” in Les Nobles et la ville dans l’espace francophone XIIe – XVIe siècles, ed. Thierry Dutour (Paris: Presse Universitaire de France, 2009), 247–75.

  105. 105. For the different types and functions of confraternities in fifteenth-century Flanders, see Paul Trio, Volksreligie als spiegel van een stedelijke samenleving: De broederschappen te Gent in de late middeleeuwen (Leuven: Universitaire Pers Leuven, 1993), 330-38.

  106. 106. Brown, “Bruges and the Burgundian ‘Theatre-State,’” 585.For the different types and functions of confraternities in fifteenth-century Flanders, see Paul Trio, Volksreligie als spiegel van een stedelijke samenleving: De broederschappen te Gent in de late middeleeuwen (Leuven: Universitaire Pers Leuven, 1993), 330-38.

  107. 107. Strohm, Music in Late Medieval Bruges, 72.

  108. 108. Van Bruaene, Om beters wille, 201–5.

  109. 109. Andrew Brown, “Urban Jousts in the Later Middle Ages: The White Bear of Bruges,” Belgisch tijdschrift voor filologie en geschiedenis 78, no. 2 (2000): 318. Jan Dumolyn discusses a similar overlap of religious, political, and personal harmony in a poem relating to the proceedings of the White Bear; “Les ‘Sept Portes de Bruges’ dans le manuscrit Gruuthuse (début du 15e siècle): Une idéologie urbaine ‘bricolée,’” Revue Belge de philologie et d‘histoire 88, no. 4 (2010): 1039–84.

  110. 110. Ryckaert, Historische stedenatlas van België: Brugge, 179–205.

  111. 111. On the importance of votive gifts in the Burgundian Netherlands, see Hugo van der Velden, The Donor’s Image: Gerard Loyet and the Votive Portraits of Charles the Bold, trans. Beverley Jackson (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000).

  112. 112. See, for example, the foundation document for the Vijd chapel in the St. John’s Church (where the Adoration of the Lamb was displayed); quoted in Peter Schmidt, Het Lam Gods (Leuven: Davidsfonds, 2005), 25.

  113. 113. On the Adoration, see Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 158–59. The Death of the Virgin was first mentioned in 1777 in the collection of the Cistercian Ter Duinen Abbey outside of Bruges. In 1778 and 1779, it was listed together with a sixteenth-century copy (now in Bruges, St. Savior Cathedral), suggesting that the original was already in the collection at the time the copy was made. Noël Geirnaert thinks it was commissioned by Johannes Crabbe, the abbot of Ter Duinen in the late fifteenth century and a well-known art patron, whereas Dhanens, Hugo van der Goes, 333–36, believes the painting may have been made for the Rooklooster and bought by the abbey after Hugo’s death. Noël Geirnaert, “Van Vlaanderen naar Brabant: Hugo van der Goes, Lekenbroeder in Rooklooster” in In de voetsporen van Jacob van Maerlant: Liber amicorum Raf De Keyser; Verzameling opstellen over middeleeuwse geschiedenis en geschiedenisdidactiek, ed. Raoul Bauert et al. (Leuven: University Press Leuven, 2002), 351-56. See also Koslow, “The Impact of Hugo van der Goes’s Mental Illness,” 32.

  114. 114. Maurits Smeyers, Dirk Bouts (ca. 1410–1475): Een Vlaams primitief te Leueven, tentoonstellingcatalogus, ed. Maurits Smeyers and Katharina Smeyers (Leuven: Peeters, 1998), 13.

  115. 115. Another possible comparison is with Memling’s Saint Sebastian (Brussels, Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts), a single panel with no portraits, perhaps intended for the chapel of the St. Sebastian’s Guild. Dirk de Vos, Hans Memling: Het volledige oeuvre (Antwerp: Mercatorfonds Paribas, 1994), 134.

  116. 116. Amy Powell, “The Errant Image: Rogier van der Weyden’s Deposition from the Cross and Its Copies,” Art History 29, no. 4 (2006): 545.

  117. 117. For the role of play in devotional art, see Rothstein, “The Rule of Metaphor,” 235–75.

  118. 118. Dumolyn, “Les ‘Sept Portes de Bruges,’” 1083–84.

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Jessica Buskirk, "Hugo van der Goes’s Adoration of the Shepherds: Between Ascetic Idealism and Urban Networks in Late Medieval Flanders," Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 6:1 (Winter 2014) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2014.6.1.1