Cycles of Memory and Circular Compassion in a Germanic Passion Diptych

A little-known Germanic Passion diptych from the late fifteenth century—comprised of the Atlanta Christ Carrying the Cross and the Chicago Crucifixion—was recently reunited, foregrounding a complex interchange of compassionate co-suffering between the two panels. The figures of Christ and the Virgin turn and twist their eyes and faces, balancing their attention between different points of empathetic contemplation within and without the frames. As they engage with the beholder and with one another, they encourage meditation on the Holy Face of Jesus by manipulating mental images in a repetitive cycle of foresight, hindsight, and exegetical reflection.

DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2018.10.1.1

Acknowledgements

The research for this essay was made possible by the Andrew W. Mellon Fellowship for Object-Centered Curatorial Research, administered jointly by the High Museum of Art and Emory University. I express appreciation to Walter S. Melion and Elizabeth Carson Pastan of Emory University; David Brenneman, former chief curator at the High Museum, and the museum’s invaluable staff: Elizabeth Riccardi, Alexandra Skliris, and Virginia Sweeney; Larry Shutts of the Atlanta Art Conservation Center;  Renée Stein, conservator of Emory’s Michael C. Carlos Museum of Art; and Martha Wolff, curator at the Art Institute of Chicago, along with the Art Institute’s conservation staff, especially Daniela Leonard. I would also like to thank Veronica Pirker-Aurenhammer of the Belvedere Museum, Guido Messling of the Kunsthistorisches Museum, and Daniel Hess of the Germanisches Nationalmuseum for consulation and access to their collections during my visits to Vienna and Nuremberg. I am grateful to the two anonymous reviewers of this essay, whose comments and suggestions strengthened my arguments and led me to consider late medieval mystery plays. Finally, I particularly thank Walter S. Melion, who first directed me to the mutual compassion and reciprocal gazing between the figure of Christ in the Atlanta panel and the figure of the mourning Virgin in the Chicago painting.

Unknown,  Christ Carrying the Cross, 1494,  The High Museum of Art
Fig. 1 Unknown, Christ Carrying the Cross, 1494, oil on panel, 39.4 x 31.8 cm. Atlanta, The High Museum of Art, inv. 44.12 (artwork in the public domain)
Unknown,  Crucifixion, 1494,  Charles H. and Mary F. S. Worcester Collection
Fig. 2 Unknown, Crucifixion, 1494, oil on panel, 32.3 x 26 cm. The Art Institute of Chicago, Charles H. and Mary F. S. Worcester Collection, inv. 1947.52 (artwork in the public domain)
Unknown,  Saint George Diptych,  ca. 1470,  Bayerisches Nationalmuseum
Fig. 3 Unknown, Saint George Diptych, ca. 1470, oil on panel, 18.6 x 18.6 cm. Munich, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, inv. MA.3055 (artwork in the public domain; photo: Bayerisches Nationalmuseum)
Master of the Wiener Schottenaltar,  Christ Carrying the Cross,  ca. 1469,  Museum im Schottenstift
Fig. 4 Master of the Wiener Schottenaltar, Christ Carrying the Cross, ca. 1469, oil on panel, 87 x 80 cm. Vienna, Museum im Schottenstift, inv. 17 (artwork in the public domain)
Master of the Wiener Schottenaltar,  Crucifixion,  ca. 1469,  Museum im Schottenstift
Fig. 5 Master of the Wiener Schottenaltar, Crucifixion, ca. 1469, oil on panel, 87 x 80 cm. Vienna, Museum im Schottenstift, inv. 18 (artwork in the public domain)
Derick Baegert,  Christ Carrying the Cross,  ca. 1480–90,  Westfälisches Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte
Fig. 6 Derick Baegert, Christ Carrying the Cross, ca. 1480–90, oil on panel, 123 x 95 cm. Mustern, Westfälisches Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, inv. WKV (artwork in the public domain)
Unknown,  Crucifixion,  ca. 1490,  Alte Pinakothek
Fig. 7 Unknown, Crucifixion, ca. 1490, oil on panel, 59.7 x 52.1 cm. Munich, Alte Pinakothek, inv. 12354 (artwork in the public domain)
Albrecht Bouts,  Ecce Homo,  after 1491,  Aachen, Suermondt-Ludwig-Museum
Fig. 8-left Albrecht Bouts, Ecce Homo, after 1491, oil on panel, 45.5 x 31 cm, Aachen, Suermondt-Ludwig-Museum, inv. GK 5007 (artwork in the public domain)
Albrecht Bouts,  Mater dolorosa,  after 1517,  Aachen, Suermondt-Ludwig-Museum
Fig. 8-right Albrecht Bouts, Mater Dolorosa, after 1517, oil on panel, 45.5 x 31.1 cm. Aachen, Suermondt-Ludwig-Museum, inv. GK 5007 (artwork in the public domain)
Martin Schongauer,  Christ Carrying the Cross,  1475–80,  Rijksprentenkabinet
Fig. 9 Martin Schongauer, Christ Bearing the Cross, ca. 1480, engraving, 16.2 x 11.4 cm. Amsterdam, Rijksprentenkabinet, inv. RP-P-OB-1009 (artwork in the public domain)
Martin Schongauer,  Christ Bearing the Cross,  ca. 1480,  Rijksprentenkabinet
Fig. 10 Martin Schongauer, Christ Carrying the Cross, 1475–80, engraving, 28.6 x 43 cm. Amsterdam, Rijksprentenkabinet, inv. RP-P-OB-1015 (artwork in the public domain)
Hugo van der Goes,  Lamentation,  after 1479,  Kunsthistorisches Museum
Fig. 11 Hugo van der Goes, Lamentation, after 1479, oil on panel, 33.8 x 22.9 cm. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. Gemäldegalerie 945 (artwork in the public domain)
Hans Holbein the Elder,  Christ Carrying the Cross,  late fifteenth or early sixteenth century, Location unknown
Fig. 12 Hans Holbein the Elder, Christ Carrying the Cross, late fifteenth or early sixteenth century, ink on paper, 22.5 x 18.5 cm. Location unknown (artwork in the public domain)
Infrared reflectogram showing underdrawing (fig. 2)
Fig. 13 Infrared reflectogram showing underdrawing (fig. 2)
Jan Provoost,  Christ Carrying the Cross, 1522,  Bruges, Hospitaalmuseum Sint-Janshospitaal
Fig. 14-left Jan Provoost, Christ Carrying the Cross, 1522, oil on panel, 50 x 40 cm, Bruges, Hospitaalmuseum Sint-Janshospitaal, inv. 0000.SJ0191.I (artwork in the public domain)
Jan Provoost,  Portrait of a Fifty-Four-Year-Old Franciscan, 1522,  Bruges, Hospitaalmuseum Sint-Janshospitaal
Fig. 14-right Jan Provoost, Portrait of a Fifty-Four-Year-Old Franciscan, 1522, oil on panel, 50 x 40 cm. Bruges, Hospitaalmuseum Sint-Janshospitaal, inv. 0000.SJ0191.I (artwork in the public domain)
Hans Pleydenwurff,  Man of Sorrows,  ca. 1456,  Öffentliche Kunstsammlung
Fig. 15 Hans Pleydenwurff, Man of Sorrows, ca. 1456, tempera and oil on panel, 31.1 x 23.1 cm. Basel, Öffentliche Kunstsammlung, inv. 1651 (artwork in the public domain)
Hans Pleydenwurff,  Portrait of the Bamberg Canon and Subdeacon Georg,  ca. 1456,  Germanisches Nationalmuseum
Fig. 16 Hans Pleydenwurff, Portrait of the Bamberg Canon and Subdeacon Georg, Count von Löwenstein, ca. 1456, tempera and oil on panel, 34 x 25 cm. Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, inv. Gm 128 (artwork in the public domain)
Unknown,  Agony in the Garden; and Crucifixion,  ca. 1410,  Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich
Fig. 17 Unknown, Agony in the Garden, ca. 1410, tempera on panel, 19 x 10.5 cm, and Crucifixion, ca. 1410, tempera on panel, 19 x 11 cm. Munich, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, inv. MA.2391 (artwork in the public domain; photo: Bayerisches Nationalmuseum)
Master of the Stötteritz Altarpeice,  Mother of Sorrows,  ca. 1470,  Florida, The Cummer Museum of Art & Gardens
Fig. 18 Master of the Stötteritz Altarpeice, Mother of Sorrows, ca. 1470, oil on panel, 22.23 x 16.5 cm. Jacksonville, Florida, The Cummer Museum of Art & Gardens, inv. AG.1984.1.1 (artwork in the public domain)
  1. 1. The Crucifixion entered the collection of the Art Institute of Chicago in 1947. Technical investigation of the frame revealed evidence that hinges and a clasp were formerly attached. Richard R. Brettell and Steven Starling, The Art of the Edge: European Frames 1300–1900 (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 1986), 80, cat. 33; Martha Wolff, Susan Frances Jones, Richard G. Mann, and Judith Berg Sobré, eds., Northern European and Spanish Paintings before 1600 in the Art Institute of Chicago: A Catalogue of the Collection (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 327. The suggestion that the panels came from the same tree is based on the results of technical analysis, communicated to me during a meeting at the Art Institute on August 18, 2014.

  2. 2. On August 15, 2013, I attended an examination of the Atlanta Christ Carrying the Cross under the direction of Larry Shutts, Renée Stein, and other conservators based in Atlanta. We observed that the paint from the surface is not continuous onto the current frame. In fact, an earlier frame could have once been in place, now only attested to by a ridge at the top of the panel. Until recently, the Art Institute of Chicago posited that the Crucifixion was still in its original engaged frame. Brettell and Starling, The Art of the Edge, 80; Wolff et al., Northern European and Spanish Paintings before 1600, 327. Technical investigation from 2014, however, indicates that, like the High panel, the Crucifixion was not painted in the frame it currently occupies. There are modern nails attaching both panels to their frames, but the Chicago conservators assume these were added for reinforcement.

  3. 3. Charles L. Kuhn, A Catalogue of German Paintings of the Middle Ages and Renaissance in American Collections (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1936), 74, cat. 322.

  4. 4. Wolff et al., Northern European and Spanish Paintings before 1600, 327–29, esp. 328.

  5. 5. See ibid., 328; Daniel Catton Rich, ed., Catalogue of the Charles H. and Mary F. S. Worcester Collection of Paintings, Sculpture and Drawings (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 1938), 36-37; Kuhn, A Catalogue of German Paintings, 74, cat. 321 and 322. From the High Museum curatorial file, see correspondence from E. R. Hunter, director of the High, to Hanns Swarzenski of the Warburg Institute, March 26, 1951; correspondence from Hanns Swarzenski to E. R. Hunter, 1951, which claims that the High panel is “certainly Austrian”; correspondence from Ilse Hecht of the Art Institute of Chicago to Eric Zafran of the High Museum with attachment of a catalogue entry for the Crucifixion, March 23, 1982. From the Chicago curatorial file, see correspondence from Wilhem Suida, July 14, 1934; correspondence from Daniel Catton Rich of the Art Institute, June 13, 1944; notes from Franz Winzinger’s visit to the Art Institute, December 18, 1968; notes from Ilene Warskowsky, September 1976. It is worth noting that the Atlanta-Chicago diptych also bears some stylistic similarity to the work of the Salzburg Master of Laufen (active 1435–1465). See Salzburger Museum Carolino Augusteum, Spätgotik in Salzburg: Die Malerei 1400–1530 (Salzburg: Salzburger Museum Carolino Augusteum, 1972), 64–69; Ludwig Baldass, Österreichische Tafelmalerei der Spätgotik 1400–1525 (Vienna: Kunsthistorisches Museum, 1934), 25–26, 46, cat. 28.

  6. 6. See Wolff et al., Northern European and Spanish Paintings before 1600, 328–29.

  7. 7. Ibid., 329.

  8. 8. See Karl Voll, Heinz Braune, and Hans Buchheit, Katalog der Gemälde des Bayerischen Nationalmuseums (Munich: Bayerisches Nationalmusem, 1908), 246, cat. 882.

  9. 9. See Jürgen Becks and Martin Wilhelm Roelen, eds., Derick Baegert und sein Werk (Wesel: Stadt Wesel, 2011).

  10. 10. Fritz Koreny, of the University of Vienna, suggested this comparison to the Chicago Crucifixion in correspondence to Martha Wolff, October 11, 2005, available in the Art Institute’s curatorial file. See Alfred Stange, Deutsche Malerei der Gotik, vol. 10, Salzburg, Bayern, und Tirol in der Zeit von 1400 bis 1500 (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1960), 118, cat. 189. For another similar pairing of Christ Carrying the Cross and the Crucifixion, see two panels from a retable by the Master of the Salem Altar. Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe, Spätmittelalter am Oberrhein, vol. 1, Maler und Werkstätten 1450–1525 (Stuttgart: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2001), 312, cat. 177b and 177c.

  11. 11. On the confluence of narrative and devotional qualities in the Wiener Schottenaltar, see Martin Czernin, Museum im Schottenstift: Kunstsammlung der Benediktinerabtei Unserer Lieben Frau zu den Schotten in Wien (Vienna: Museum im Schottenstift, 2009), 170, 172.

  12. 12. See James H. Marrow, Passion Iconography in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance: A Study of the Transformation of Sacred Metaphor into Descriptive Narrative (Kortrijk, Belgium: Van Ghemmert Publishing Company, 1979).

  13. 13. Isaiah 53:7; Marrow, Passion Iconography, 163–64.

  14. 14. Psalm 22:6; Marrow, Passion Iconography, 62–63.

  15. 15. Ibid., 96–97.

  16. 16. There are precedents for using a depiction of Saint John’s written testimony to corroborate his eyewitness of the Passion. See Alfred Acres, “Rogier van der Weyden’s Painted Texts,” Artibus et Historiae 21 (2000): 97–101, https://doi.org/10.2307/1483636.

  17. 17. Isaiah 53:7; Marrow, Passion Iconography, 96–97.

  18. 18. Psalm 22:12-13; 59:6-7; 22:21; James Marrow, “Circumdederunt me canes multi: Christ’s Tormentors in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Renaissance,” Art Bulletin 59 (June 1977): 167–81, https://doi.org/10.2307/3049628.

  19. 19. Deuteronomy 21:4; Marrow, Passion Iconography, 99–104.

  20. 20. For example, see the relationship of the Holy Face to the Incarnation, representation, and imaged prayer in Walter Melion, “Pictorial Artifice and Catholic Devotion in Abraham Bloemaert’s Virgin of Sorrows with the Holy Face of c. 1615,” in The Holy Face and the Paradox of Representation: Papers from a Colloquium Held at the Bibliotheca Hertziana, Rome and the Villa Spelman, Florence, 1996, vol. 6, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and Gerhard Wolf (Bologna: Nuova Alfa Editoriale, 1998), 319–40.

  21. 21. Although these two panels currently occupy the middle section of a triptych conserved in Aachen, technical and dendrochronological inconsistencies cast considerable doubt on the likelihood that they were created as an ensemble. John Oliver Hand, Catherine A. Metzger, and Ron Spronk, eds., Prayers and Portraits: Unfolding the Netherlandish Diptych (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2006), 40-41; Ron Spronk, “Three Boutsian Paintings in the Fogg Art Museum: Technical Examinations and Art Historical Implications,” in Bouts Studies: Proceedings of the International Colloquium, ed. B. Cardon, M. Smeyers, R. Van Schoute, and H. Verougstraete (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2001), 448-49. The Bouts workshop frequently produced solo representations of the Man of Sorrows, or in this case, the Ecce Homo. Buyers could then exercise their own initiative in selecting a particular Mater Dolorosa to accompany a Christological panel. Ibid., 449; Hand, Metger, and Spronk, Prayers and Portraits, 50-51. Although the Aachen assembly is not original, it approximates the kinds of pairings that were possible in the Renaissance.

  22. 22. On narrative and Andachtsbild in configurations of the Man of Sorrows and Ecce Homo, see Sixten Ringbom, Icon to Narrative, the Rise of the Dramatic Close-Up in Fifteenth-Century Devotional Painting, 2nd ed. (Doornspijk, The Netherlands: Davaco, 1984), esp. 52–58, 66–71, 117–47, 155–70.

  23. 23. For Ringbom’s discussion of northern Italian images of Christ carrying the cross, see ibid., 147–55.

  24. 24. I am indebted to Walter S. Melion for this analysis of the Schongauer print. The iconography of the Atlanta Christ Carrying the Cross was compared to Schongauer’s print by Ilse Hecht in her letter from March 23, 1982, in the High Museum curatorial file.

  25. 25. On the devotional valence of print media, particularly in depictions of the Veronica image, see Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 425–32; Kessler and Wolf, The Holy Face and the Paradox of Representation; David S. Areford, “Multiplying the Sacred: The Fifteenth-Century Woodcut as Reproduction, Surrogate, Simulation,” in The Woodcut in Fifteenth-Century Europe, ed. Peter Parshall,  Studies in the History of Art 75 (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2009), 118–53; Jeffrey F. Hamburger, “‘In gebeden vnd in bilden geschriben’: Prints as Exemplars of Piety and the Culture of the Copy in Fifteenth-Century Germany,” in The Woodcut in Fifteenth-Century Europe, ed. Peter Parshall,  Studies in the History of Art 75 (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2009), esp. 155–56.

  26. 26. Jörg Stocker and Martin Schaffner’s depiction of Christ carrying the cross from the Ennetacher Altar makes an insightful corollary to the Atlanta panel and the Schongauer print. Painted in 1496—only two years after the Atlanta-Chicago diptych—the work frames Christ’s face against the beams of his cross like an icon while Saint Veronica holds the sudarium for the viewer’s contemplation. See Manuel Teget-Welz, Martin Schaffner: Leben und Werk eines Ulmer Malers zwischen Spätmittelalter und Renaissance (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008), 54–66.

  27. 27. I am indebted to the High Museum’s docent manual, available in the curatorial file, for the observation that the soldiers have switched hats.

  28. 28. Philippians 2:7.

  29. 29. Philippians 2:8.

  30. 30. Chapter 76, in John of Caulibus, Meditations on the Life of Christ, trans. and ed. Francis X. Taney, Anne Miller, and C. Mary Stallings-Taney (Asheville, N.C.: Pegasus Press, 2000), 248.  

  31. 31. John 18:36.

  32. 32. John 3:1.

  33. 33. See Don Denny, “A Symbol in Hugo van der Goes’ Lamentation,Gazette des Beaux-Arts 95 (1980): 121–24; Hand, Metzger, and Spronk, Prayers and Portraits, 98.

  34. 34. Denny, “A Symbol in Hugo van der Goes’ Lamentation,” 121.

  35. 35. Matthew 16:24

  36. 36. See C. G. Boerner, Auktions-Institut, Kunst- und Buchantiquariat, Deutsche Handzeichnungen aus der Sammlung weiland Prinz Johann Georg, Herzog zu Sachsen und aus anderem Besitz: Romantiker und Nazarener; alte Meister des 15.–18. Jahrhunderts, neuere Meister; Versteigerung am 24. und 25. April 1940 (Katalog Nr. 203) (Leipzig: C. G. Boerner, 1940), 5, cat. 36.

  37. 37. John 19:25–27.

  38. 38. Chapter 78, in John of Caulibus, Meditations on the Life of Christ, 254.

  39. 39. Chapter 77, in ibid., 250.

  40. 40. See Mark Trowbridge, “Art and Ommegangen: Paintings, Processions, and Dramas in the Late-Medieval Low Countries” (PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2000); Mark Trowbridge, “Sin and Redemption in Late-Medieval Art and Theater: The Magdalen as Role Model in Hugo van der Goes’s Vienna Diptych,” in Push Me, Pull You: Imaginative and Emotional Interaction in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art, vol. 1, ed. Sarah Blick and Laura D. Gelfand (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 415–45; Mark Trowbridge, “Late-Medieval Art and Theatre: The Prophets in Hugo van der Goes’s Berlin Adoration of the Shepherds,” in New Studies on Old Masters: Essays in Renaissance Art in Honour of Colin Eisler, ed. Diane Wolfthal and John Garton (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2011), 143–58.

  41. 41. Lines 1258–65, in The Saint Gall Passion Play, trans. and ed. Larry E. West, in Medieval Classics: Texts and Studies, vol. 6, ed. Joseph Szövérffy and Joseph F.-M. Marique (Brookline, Mass.: Classical Folia Editions, 1976), 106.

  42. 42. Sandro Sticca, The Planctus Mariae in the Dramatic Tradition of the Middle Ages, trans. Joseph R. Berrigan (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1988), esp. 119–20; Peter Victor Loewen, “‘Singing Men into Spiritual Joy’: The Rhetoric of Franciscan Piety in the Songs of the Medieval German Passion Play and Marienklage” (PhD diss., University of Southern California, 2001), esp. 374. See also Christine Stridde, “Evangelische, visionäre oder gespielte Zeugenschaft? Passion im Rheinischen Marienlob,” in Zeugnis und Zeugenschaft: Perspectiven aus der Vormoderne, ed. Wolfram Drews and Heike Schlie (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2011), 197–219.

  43. 43. Lines 1374–80, in The Saint Gall Passion Play, ed. West, 111.

  44. 44. Lines 1384–1400, in ibid., 111–12. For this pattern of conforming to Christ in the Marienklagen by identifying first with Mary’s maternal sorrow and then with her imitative grief, see Loewen, “‘Singing Men into Spiritual Joy’,” 449–51. For a related study on Marian sermons, see Donna Spivey Ellington, “Impassioned Mother or Passive Icon: The Virgin’s Role in Late Medieval and Early Modern Passion Sermons,” Renaissance Quarterly 48 (Summer 1995): 227–61, esp., 231–32, https://doi.org/10.2307/2863065.

  45. 45. Lines 322–24, in Texte und Melodien der “Erlauer Spiele,” ed. Wolfgang Suppan and Johannes Janota, Musikethnologische Sammelbände 11 (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1990), 205; translated in Loewen, “‘Singing Men into Spiritual Joy’,” 448.

  46. 46. Loewen, “‘Singing Men into Spiritual Joy’”; Peter Loewen, “Portrayals of the Vita Christi in the Medieval German Marienklage: Signs of Franciscan Exegesis and Rhetoric in Drama and Music,” Comparative Drama 42 (Fall 2008): 315–45, https://doi.org/10.1353/cdr.0.0017.

  47. 47. Lines 2041–42, in the Sterzinger Passionsspiel (1496), quoted in N. H. J. Zwijnenburg, Die Veronicagestalt in den Deutschen Passionsspielen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, Amsterdamer Publikationen zur Sprache und Literatur 79, ed. Cola Minis and Arend Quak (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988), 67. I am grateful to Albrecht Classen for the translation of this passage. For the sudarium as a consolation for the sorrowful heart, see lines 1602–11, in the Augsburger Passionsspiel (last quarter of the fifteenth century), quoted in Zwijnenburg, Die Veronicagestalt, 77–78. For the sudarium as a sign, see lines 5438–95, in the Alsfelder Passionsspiel (early sixteenth century), quoted in Zwijnenburg, Die Veronicagestalt, 56–59.

  48. 48. On representations of visionary sight, see Bret Rothstein, Sight and Spirituality in Early Netherlandish Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), chapter 2, esp. 50-52.

  49. 49. See Hand, Metger, and Spronk, Prayers and Portraits, 210-17.

  50. 50. Annette Scherer, “Fromme Rätsel: Beobachtungen zum Diptychon eines Franziskaners von Jan Provost,” in Im Zeichen des Christkinds: Privates Bild und Frömmigkeit im Spätmittelalter; Ergebnisse der Ausstellung Spiegel der Seligkeit, ed. Frank Matthias Kammel (Nuremberg: Verlag des Germanischen Nationalmuseums, 2003), 79.

  51. 51. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gothic and Renaissance Art in Nuremberg 1300–1500 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1986), 170, cat. 41.  

  52. 52. Mark 15:37.

  53. 53. See Voll, Braune, and Buchheit, Katalog der Gemälde, 243, cat. 871a and 871b.

  54. 54. Matthew 26:39.

  55. 55. Matthew 26:41.

  56. 56. Luke 22:44.

  57. 57. John 19:30.

  58. 58. Luke 22:45.

  59. 59. I am indebted to Walter S. Melion for noting the implications of red blood on the intensely white veil.

  60. 60. On blood- and tear-stained cloth in Germanic painting, see David S. Areford, The Art of Empathy: The Mother of Sorrows in Northern Renaissance Art and Devotion (Jacksonville, Fla.: Cummer Museum of Art and Gardens, 2013), 18, 31, 43, 46. Areford also cites the miracle-working panel of the Mater Dolorosa from the Church of Santa Maria in Ara Coeli, in which the Virgin’s violet mantle is stained with blood. Ibid., 38, 40.

  61. 61. Ibid., 43, 45.

  62. 62. John 12:3, Luke 7:38.

  63. 63. J. R. Hale argues that the motif of a face on a shield appears most frequently in Bohemian Crucifixion scenes of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. He interprets it as an apotropaic device underscoring the idolatry of the centurion who later confessed Christ’s divinity. J.R. Hale, “Soldiers in the Religious Art of the Renaissance,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 69 (Autumn 1986): 176n16, https://doi.org/10.7227/BJRL.69.1.7. I am grateful to my student, Timothy Elliott, for his assistance in researching this armorial device.

  64. 64. Much of this analysis could also be applied to the shield depicted in the Munich Crucifixion cited earlier (fig. 7). The grotesque head in that composition is bearded, with thornlike horns above its eyes and locks of hair near the hand of the soldier. The expression of angst on its face, coupled with these other features, makes a pointed comparison to the sudarium.

  65. 65. See Jamie L. Smith, “‘So moeti den schilt draghen; Dien God veruwede met roder greine’: Jan van Eyck’s Critical Principles of Oil Painting and Their Middle Dutch Antecedents” (PhD diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 2008), chapter 2, esp. 39–47.

  66. 66. 2 Corinthians 3:3.

  67. 67. It is interesting to recall that, according to legend, the centurion Saint Longinus was healed of spiritual and physical blindness when his eyes came into contact with blood from Christ’s side wound.

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——. The Art of Empathy: The Mother of Sorrows in Northern Renaissance Art and Devotion. Jacksonville, Fla.: Cummer Museum of Art and Gardens, 2013.

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Hamburger, Jeffrey F.“‘In gebeden vnd in bilden geschriben’: Prints as Exemplars of Piety and the Culture of the Copy in Fifteenth-Century Germany.” In The Woodcut in Fifteenth-Century Europe, edited by Peter Parshall, 154–89. Studies in the History of Art 75. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2009.

Hand, John Oliver, Catherine A. Metzger, and Ron Spronk, eds. Prayers and Portraits: Unfolding the Netherlandish Diptych. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2006.

John of Caulibus. Meditations on the Life of Christ. Translated and edited by Francis X. Taney, Anne Miller, and C. Mary Stallings-Taney. Asheville, N.C.: Pegasus Press, 2000.

Kessler, Herbert L., and Gerhard Wolf, eds. The Holy Face and the Paradox of Representation: Papers from a Colloquium Held at the Bibliotheca Hertziana, Rome and the Villa Spelman, Florence, 1996. Vol. 6. Bologna: Nuova Alfa Editoriale, 1998.

Kuhn, Charles L. A Catalogue of German Paintings of the Middle Ages and Renaissance in American Collections. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1936.

Loewen, Peter Victor. “‘Singing Men into Spiritual Joy’: The Rhetoric of Franciscan Piety in the Songs of the Medieval German Passion Play and Marienklage.” PhD diss., University of Southern California, 2001.

Loewen, Peter. “Portrayals of the Vita Christi in the Medieval German Marienklage: Signs of Franciscan Exegesis and Rhetoric in Drama and Music.” Comparative Drama 42 (Fall 2008): 315–45. https://doi.org/10.1353/cdr.0.0017

Marrow, James. “Circumdederunt me canes multi: Christ’s Tormentors in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Renaissance.” Art Bulletin 59 (June 1977): 167–81.  https://doi.org/10.2307/3049628

——. Passion Iconography in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance: A Study of the Transformation of Sacred Metaphor into Descriptive Narrative. Kortrijk, Belgium: Van Ghemmert Publishing Company, 1979.

Melion, Walter. “Pictorial Artifice and Catholic Devotion in Abraham Bloemaert’s Virgin of Sorrows with the Holy Face of c. 1615.” In The Holy Face and the Paradox of Representation: Papers from a Colloquium Held at the Bibliotheca Hertziana, Rome and the Villa Spelman, Florence, 1996, vol. 6, edited by Herbert L. Kessler and Gerhard Wolf, 319–40. Bologna: Nuova Alfa Editoriale, 1998.

Metropolitan Museum of Art. Gothic and Renaissance Art in Nuremberg 1300–1500. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1986.

Rich, Daniel Catton, ed., Catalogue of the Charles H. and Mary F. S. Worcester Collection of Paintings, Sculpture and Drawings. Chicago:  Art Institute of Chicago, 1938.

Ringbom, Sixten. Icon to Narrative, the Rise of the Dramatic Close-Up in Fifteenth-Century Devotional Painting. 2nd ed. Doornspijk, The Netherlands: Davaco, 1984.

Rothstein, Bret. Sight and Spirituality in Early Netherlandish Painting. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005.

Salzburger Museum Carolino Augusteum. Spätgotik in Salzburg: Die Malerei 1400–1530. Salzburg: Salzburger Museum Carolino Augusteum, 1972.

Scherer, Annette. “Fromme Rätsel: Beobachtungen zum Diptychon eines Franziskaners von Jan Provost.” In Im Zeichen des Christkinds: Privates Bild und Frömmigkeit im Spätmittelalter: Ergebnisse der Ausstellung Spiegel der Seligkeit, edited by Frank Matthias Kammel, 78–86. Nuremberg: Verlag des Germanischen Nationalmuseums, 2003.

Smith, Jamie L. “‘So moeti den schilt draghen; Dien God veruwede met roder greine’: Jan van Eyck’s Critical Principles of Oil Painting and Their Middle Dutch Antecedents.” PhD diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 2008.

Spronk, Ron. “Three Boutsian Paintings in the Fogg Art Museum: Technical Examinations and Art Historical Implications.” In Bouts Studies: Proceedings of the International Colloquium, edited by B. Cardon, M. Smeyers, R. Van Schoute, and H. Verougstraete, 423–49. Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2001.

Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe. Spätmittelalter am Oberrhein. Vol. 1, Maler und Werkstätten 1450–1525. Stuttgart: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2001.

Stange, Alfred. Deutsche Malerei der Gotik. Vol 10, Salzburg, Bayern, und Tirol in der Zeit von 1400 bis 1500. Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1960.

Sticca, Sandro. The Planctus Mariae in the Dramatic Tradition of the Middle Ages. Translated by Joseph R. Berrigan. Athens: The University of Georgia Press, 1988.

Stridde, Christine. “Evangelische, visionäre oder gespielte Zeugenschaft? Passion im Rheinischen Marienlob.” In Zeugnis und Zeugenschaft: Perspectiven aus der Vormoderne, edited by Wolfram Drews and Heike Schlie, 197–219. Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2011.

Suppan, Wolfgang, and Johannes Janota, eds. Texte und Melodien der “Erlauer Spiele.” Musikethnologische Sammelbände 11. Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1990.

Teget-Welz, Manuel. Martin Schaffner: Leben und Werk eines Ulmer Malers zwischen Spätmittelalter und Renaissance. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008.

Trowbridge, Mark. “Art and Ommegangen: Paintings, Processions, and Dramas in the Late-Medieval Low Countries.” PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2000.

——. Late-Medieval Art and Theatre: The Prophets in Hugo van der Goes’s Berlin Adoration of the Shepherds.” In New Studies on Old Masters: Essays in Renaissance Art in Honour of Colin Eisler, edited by Diane Wolfthal and John Garton, 143–58. Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2011.

—— . “Sin and Redemption in Late-Medieval Art and Theater: The Magdalen as Role Model in Hugo van der Goes’s Vienna Diptych.” In Push Me, Pull You: Imaginative and Emotional Interaction in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art, vol. 1, edited by Sarah Blick and Laura D. Gelfand, 415–45. Leiden: Brill, 2011.  https://doi.org/10.1163/9789004215139_013

Voll, Karl, Heinz Braune, and Hans Buchheit. Katalog der Gemälde des Bayerischen Nationalmuseums. Munich: Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, 1908.

West, Larry E., trans. and ed. The Saint Gall Passion Play. In Medieval Classics: Texts and Studies, vol. 6, edited by Joseph Szövérffy and Joseph F.-M. Marique. Brookline, Mass.: Classical Folia Editions, 1976.

Wolff, Martha, Susan Frances Jones, Richard G. Mann, and Judith Berg Sobré, eds. Northern European and Spanish Paintings before 1600 in the Art Institute of Chicago: A Catalogue of the Collection. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008.

Zwijnenburg, N. H. J. Die Veronicagestalt in den Deutschen Passionsspielen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts. Amsterdamer Publikationen zur Sprache und Literatur 79, edited by Cola Minis and Arend Quak. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988.

List of Illustrations

Unknown,  Christ Carrying the Cross, 1494,  The High Museum of Art
Fig. 1 Unknown, Christ Carrying the Cross, 1494, oil on panel, 39.4 x 31.8 cm. Atlanta, The High Museum of Art, inv. 44.12 (artwork in the public domain)
Unknown,  Crucifixion, 1494,  Charles H. and Mary F. S. Worcester Collection
Fig. 2 Unknown, Crucifixion, 1494, oil on panel, 32.3 x 26 cm. The Art Institute of Chicago, Charles H. and Mary F. S. Worcester Collection, inv. 1947.52 (artwork in the public domain)
Unknown,  Saint George Diptych,  ca. 1470,  Bayerisches Nationalmuseum
Fig. 3 Unknown, Saint George Diptych, ca. 1470, oil on panel, 18.6 x 18.6 cm. Munich, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, inv. MA.3055 (artwork in the public domain; photo: Bayerisches Nationalmuseum)
Master of the Wiener Schottenaltar,  Christ Carrying the Cross,  ca. 1469,  Museum im Schottenstift
Fig. 4 Master of the Wiener Schottenaltar, Christ Carrying the Cross, ca. 1469, oil on panel, 87 x 80 cm. Vienna, Museum im Schottenstift, inv. 17 (artwork in the public domain)
Master of the Wiener Schottenaltar,  Crucifixion,  ca. 1469,  Museum im Schottenstift
Fig. 5 Master of the Wiener Schottenaltar, Crucifixion, ca. 1469, oil on panel, 87 x 80 cm. Vienna, Museum im Schottenstift, inv. 18 (artwork in the public domain)
Derick Baegert,  Christ Carrying the Cross,  ca. 1480–90,  Westfälisches Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte
Fig. 6 Derick Baegert, Christ Carrying the Cross, ca. 1480–90, oil on panel, 123 x 95 cm. Mustern, Westfälisches Landesmuseum für Kunst und Kulturgeschichte, inv. WKV (artwork in the public domain)
Unknown,  Crucifixion,  ca. 1490,  Alte Pinakothek
Fig. 7 Unknown, Crucifixion, ca. 1490, oil on panel, 59.7 x 52.1 cm. Munich, Alte Pinakothek, inv. 12354 (artwork in the public domain)
Albrecht Bouts,  Ecce Homo,  after 1491,  Aachen, Suermondt-Ludwig-Museum
Fig. 8-left Albrecht Bouts, Ecce Homo, after 1491, oil on panel, 45.5 x 31 cm, Aachen, Suermondt-Ludwig-Museum, inv. GK 5007 (artwork in the public domain)
Albrecht Bouts,  Mater dolorosa,  after 1517,  Aachen, Suermondt-Ludwig-Museum
Fig. 8-right Albrecht Bouts, Mater Dolorosa, after 1517, oil on panel, 45.5 x 31.1 cm. Aachen, Suermondt-Ludwig-Museum, inv. GK 5007 (artwork in the public domain)
Martin Schongauer,  Christ Carrying the Cross,  1475–80,  Rijksprentenkabinet
Fig. 9 Martin Schongauer, Christ Bearing the Cross, ca. 1480, engraving, 16.2 x 11.4 cm. Amsterdam, Rijksprentenkabinet, inv. RP-P-OB-1009 (artwork in the public domain)
Martin Schongauer,  Christ Bearing the Cross,  ca. 1480,  Rijksprentenkabinet
Fig. 10 Martin Schongauer, Christ Carrying the Cross, 1475–80, engraving, 28.6 x 43 cm. Amsterdam, Rijksprentenkabinet, inv. RP-P-OB-1015 (artwork in the public domain)
Hugo van der Goes,  Lamentation,  after 1479,  Kunsthistorisches Museum
Fig. 11 Hugo van der Goes, Lamentation, after 1479, oil on panel, 33.8 x 22.9 cm. Vienna, Kunsthistorisches Museum, inv. Gemäldegalerie 945 (artwork in the public domain)
Hans Holbein the Elder,  Christ Carrying the Cross,  late fifteenth or early sixteenth century, Location unknown
Fig. 12 Hans Holbein the Elder, Christ Carrying the Cross, late fifteenth or early sixteenth century, ink on paper, 22.5 x 18.5 cm. Location unknown (artwork in the public domain)
Infrared reflectogram showing underdrawing (fig. 2)
Fig. 13 Infrared reflectogram showing underdrawing (fig. 2)
Jan Provoost,  Christ Carrying the Cross, 1522,  Bruges, Hospitaalmuseum Sint-Janshospitaal
Fig. 14-left Jan Provoost, Christ Carrying the Cross, 1522, oil on panel, 50 x 40 cm, Bruges, Hospitaalmuseum Sint-Janshospitaal, inv. 0000.SJ0191.I (artwork in the public domain)
Jan Provoost,  Portrait of a Fifty-Four-Year-Old Franciscan, 1522,  Bruges, Hospitaalmuseum Sint-Janshospitaal
Fig. 14-right Jan Provoost, Portrait of a Fifty-Four-Year-Old Franciscan, 1522, oil on panel, 50 x 40 cm. Bruges, Hospitaalmuseum Sint-Janshospitaal, inv. 0000.SJ0191.I (artwork in the public domain)
Hans Pleydenwurff,  Man of Sorrows,  ca. 1456,  Öffentliche Kunstsammlung
Fig. 15 Hans Pleydenwurff, Man of Sorrows, ca. 1456, tempera and oil on panel, 31.1 x 23.1 cm. Basel, Öffentliche Kunstsammlung, inv. 1651 (artwork in the public domain)
Hans Pleydenwurff,  Portrait of the Bamberg Canon and Subdeacon Georg,  ca. 1456,  Germanisches Nationalmuseum
Fig. 16 Hans Pleydenwurff, Portrait of the Bamberg Canon and Subdeacon Georg, Count von Löwenstein, ca. 1456, tempera and oil on panel, 34 x 25 cm. Nuremberg, Germanisches Nationalmuseum, inv. Gm 128 (artwork in the public domain)
Unknown,  Agony in the Garden; and Crucifixion,  ca. 1410,  Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, Munich
Fig. 17 Unknown, Agony in the Garden, ca. 1410, tempera on panel, 19 x 10.5 cm, and Crucifixion, ca. 1410, tempera on panel, 19 x 11 cm. Munich, Bayerisches Nationalmuseum, inv. MA.2391 (artwork in the public domain; photo: Bayerisches Nationalmuseum)
Master of the Stötteritz Altarpeice,  Mother of Sorrows,  ca. 1470,  Florida, The Cummer Museum of Art & Gardens
Fig. 18 Master of the Stötteritz Altarpeice, Mother of Sorrows, ca. 1470, oil on panel, 22.23 x 16.5 cm. Jacksonville, Florida, The Cummer Museum of Art & Gardens, inv. AG.1984.1.1 (artwork in the public domain)

Footnotes

  1. 1. The Crucifixion entered the collection of the Art Institute of Chicago in 1947. Technical investigation of the frame revealed evidence that hinges and a clasp were formerly attached. Richard R. Brettell and Steven Starling, The Art of the Edge: European Frames 1300–1900 (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 1986), 80, cat. 33; Martha Wolff, Susan Frances Jones, Richard G. Mann, and Judith Berg Sobré, eds., Northern European and Spanish Paintings before 1600 in the Art Institute of Chicago: A Catalogue of the Collection (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), 327. The suggestion that the panels came from the same tree is based on the results of technical analysis, communicated to me during a meeting at the Art Institute on August 18, 2014.

  2. 2. On August 15, 2013, I attended an examination of the Atlanta Christ Carrying the Cross under the direction of Larry Shutts, Renée Stein, and other conservators based in Atlanta. We observed that the paint from the surface is not continuous onto the current frame. In fact, an earlier frame could have once been in place, now only attested to by a ridge at the top of the panel. Until recently, the Art Institute of Chicago posited that the Crucifixion was still in its original engaged frame. Brettell and Starling, The Art of the Edge, 80; Wolff et al., Northern European and Spanish Paintings before 1600, 327. Technical investigation from 2014, however, indicates that, like the High panel, the Crucifixion was not painted in the frame it currently occupies. There are modern nails attaching both panels to their frames, but the Chicago conservators assume these were added for reinforcement.

  3. 3. Charles L. Kuhn, A Catalogue of German Paintings of the Middle Ages and Renaissance in American Collections (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1936), 74, cat. 322.

  4. 4. Wolff et al., Northern European and Spanish Paintings before 1600, 327–29, esp. 328.

  5. 5. See ibid., 328; Daniel Catton Rich, ed., Catalogue of the Charles H. and Mary F. S. Worcester Collection of Paintings, Sculpture and Drawings (Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago, 1938), 36-37; Kuhn, A Catalogue of German Paintings, 74, cat. 321 and 322. From the High Museum curatorial file, see correspondence from E. R. Hunter, director of the High, to Hanns Swarzenski of the Warburg Institute, March 26, 1951; correspondence from Hanns Swarzenski to E. R. Hunter, 1951, which claims that the High panel is “certainly Austrian”; correspondence from Ilse Hecht of the Art Institute of Chicago to Eric Zafran of the High Museum with attachment of a catalogue entry for the Crucifixion, March 23, 1982. From the Chicago curatorial file, see correspondence from Wilhem Suida, July 14, 1934; correspondence from Daniel Catton Rich of the Art Institute, June 13, 1944; notes from Franz Winzinger’s visit to the Art Institute, December 18, 1968; notes from Ilene Warskowsky, September 1976. It is worth noting that the Atlanta-Chicago diptych also bears some stylistic similarity to the work of the Salzburg Master of Laufen (active 1435–1465). See Salzburger Museum Carolino Augusteum, Spätgotik in Salzburg: Die Malerei 1400–1530 (Salzburg: Salzburger Museum Carolino Augusteum, 1972), 64–69; Ludwig Baldass, Österreichische Tafelmalerei der Spätgotik 1400–1525 (Vienna: Kunsthistorisches Museum, 1934), 25–26, 46, cat. 28.

  6. 6. See Wolff et al., Northern European and Spanish Paintings before 1600, 328–29.

  7. 7. Ibid., 329.

  8. 8. See Karl Voll, Heinz Braune, and Hans Buchheit, Katalog der Gemälde des Bayerischen Nationalmuseums (Munich: Bayerisches Nationalmusem, 1908), 246, cat. 882.

  9. 9. See Jürgen Becks and Martin Wilhelm Roelen, eds., Derick Baegert und sein Werk (Wesel: Stadt Wesel, 2011).

  10. 10. Fritz Koreny, of the University of Vienna, suggested this comparison to the Chicago Crucifixion in correspondence to Martha Wolff, October 11, 2005, available in the Art Institute’s curatorial file. See Alfred Stange, Deutsche Malerei der Gotik, vol. 10, Salzburg, Bayern, und Tirol in der Zeit von 1400 bis 1500 (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1960), 118, cat. 189. For another similar pairing of Christ Carrying the Cross and the Crucifixion, see two panels from a retable by the Master of the Salem Altar. Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe, Spätmittelalter am Oberrhein, vol. 1, Maler und Werkstätten 1450–1525 (Stuttgart: Jan Thorbecke Verlag, 2001), 312, cat. 177b and 177c.

  11. 11. On the confluence of narrative and devotional qualities in the Wiener Schottenaltar, see Martin Czernin, Museum im Schottenstift: Kunstsammlung der Benediktinerabtei Unserer Lieben Frau zu den Schotten in Wien (Vienna: Museum im Schottenstift, 2009), 170, 172.

  12. 12. See James H. Marrow, Passion Iconography in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Early Renaissance: A Study of the Transformation of Sacred Metaphor into Descriptive Narrative (Kortrijk, Belgium: Van Ghemmert Publishing Company, 1979).

  13. 13. Isaiah 53:7; Marrow, Passion Iconography, 163–64.

  14. 14. Psalm 22:6; Marrow, Passion Iconography, 62–63.

  15. 15. Ibid., 96–97.

  16. 16. There are precedents for using a depiction of Saint John’s written testimony to corroborate his eyewitness of the Passion. See Alfred Acres, “Rogier van der Weyden’s Painted Texts,” Artibus et Historiae 21 (2000): 97–101, https://doi.org/10.2307/1483636.

  17. 17. Isaiah 53:7; Marrow, Passion Iconography, 96–97.

  18. 18. Psalm 22:12-13; 59:6-7; 22:21; James Marrow, “Circumdederunt me canes multi: Christ’s Tormentors in Northern European Art of the Late Middle Ages and Renaissance,” Art Bulletin 59 (June 1977): 167–81, https://doi.org/10.2307/3049628.

  19. 19. Deuteronomy 21:4; Marrow, Passion Iconography, 99–104.

  20. 20. For example, see the relationship of the Holy Face to the Incarnation, representation, and imaged prayer in Walter Melion, “Pictorial Artifice and Catholic Devotion in Abraham Bloemaert’s Virgin of Sorrows with the Holy Face of c. 1615,” in The Holy Face and the Paradox of Representation: Papers from a Colloquium Held at the Bibliotheca Hertziana, Rome and the Villa Spelman, Florence, 1996, vol. 6, ed. Herbert L. Kessler and Gerhard Wolf (Bologna: Nuova Alfa Editoriale, 1998), 319–40.

  21. 21. Although these two panels currently occupy the middle section of a triptych conserved in Aachen, technical and dendrochronological inconsistencies cast considerable doubt on the likelihood that they were created as an ensemble. John Oliver Hand, Catherine A. Metzger, and Ron Spronk, eds., Prayers and Portraits: Unfolding the Netherlandish Diptych (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2006), 40-41; Ron Spronk, “Three Boutsian Paintings in the Fogg Art Museum: Technical Examinations and Art Historical Implications,” in Bouts Studies: Proceedings of the International Colloquium, ed. B. Cardon, M. Smeyers, R. Van Schoute, and H. Verougstraete (Leuven: Uitgeverij Peeters, 2001), 448-49. The Bouts workshop frequently produced solo representations of the Man of Sorrows, or in this case, the Ecce Homo. Buyers could then exercise their own initiative in selecting a particular Mater Dolorosa to accompany a Christological panel. Ibid., 449; Hand, Metger, and Spronk, Prayers and Portraits, 50-51. Although the Aachen assembly is not original, it approximates the kinds of pairings that were possible in the Renaissance.

  22. 22. On narrative and Andachtsbild in configurations of the Man of Sorrows and Ecce Homo, see Sixten Ringbom, Icon to Narrative, the Rise of the Dramatic Close-Up in Fifteenth-Century Devotional Painting, 2nd ed. (Doornspijk, The Netherlands: Davaco, 1984), esp. 52–58, 66–71, 117–47, 155–70.

  23. 23. For Ringbom’s discussion of northern Italian images of Christ carrying the cross, see ibid., 147–55.

  24. 24. I am indebted to Walter S. Melion for this analysis of the Schongauer print. The iconography of the Atlanta Christ Carrying the Cross was compared to Schongauer’s print by Ilse Hecht in her letter from March 23, 1982, in the High Museum curatorial file.

  25. 25. On the devotional valence of print media, particularly in depictions of the Veronica image, see Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence: A History of the Image before the Era of Art, trans. Edmund Jephcott (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 425–32; Kessler and Wolf, The Holy Face and the Paradox of Representation; David S. Areford, “Multiplying the Sacred: The Fifteenth-Century Woodcut as Reproduction, Surrogate, Simulation,” in The Woodcut in Fifteenth-Century Europe, ed. Peter Parshall,  Studies in the History of Art 75 (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2009), 118–53; Jeffrey F. Hamburger, “‘In gebeden vnd in bilden geschriben’: Prints as Exemplars of Piety and the Culture of the Copy in Fifteenth-Century Germany,” in The Woodcut in Fifteenth-Century Europe, ed. Peter Parshall,  Studies in the History of Art 75 (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, 2009), esp. 155–56.

  26. 26. Jörg Stocker and Martin Schaffner’s depiction of Christ carrying the cross from the Ennetacher Altar makes an insightful corollary to the Atlanta panel and the Schongauer print. Painted in 1496—only two years after the Atlanta-Chicago diptych—the work frames Christ’s face against the beams of his cross like an icon while Saint Veronica holds the sudarium for the viewer’s contemplation. See Manuel Teget-Welz, Martin Schaffner: Leben und Werk eines Ulmer Malers zwischen Spätmittelalter und Renaissance (Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008), 54–66.

  27. 27. I am indebted to the High Museum’s docent manual, available in the curatorial file, for the observation that the soldiers have switched hats.

  28. 28. Philippians 2:7.

  29. 29. Philippians 2:8.

  30. 30. Chapter 76, in John of Caulibus, Meditations on the Life of Christ, trans. and ed. Francis X. Taney, Anne Miller, and C. Mary Stallings-Taney (Asheville, N.C.: Pegasus Press, 2000), 248.  

  31. 31. John 18:36.

  32. 32. John 3:1.

  33. 33. See Don Denny, “A Symbol in Hugo van der Goes’ Lamentation,Gazette des Beaux-Arts 95 (1980): 121–24; Hand, Metzger, and Spronk, Prayers and Portraits, 98.

  34. 34. Denny, “A Symbol in Hugo van der Goes’ Lamentation,” 121.

  35. 35. Matthew 16:24

  36. 36. See C. G. Boerner, Auktions-Institut, Kunst- und Buchantiquariat, Deutsche Handzeichnungen aus der Sammlung weiland Prinz Johann Georg, Herzog zu Sachsen und aus anderem Besitz: Romantiker und Nazarener; alte Meister des 15.–18. Jahrhunderts, neuere Meister; Versteigerung am 24. und 25. April 1940 (Katalog Nr. 203) (Leipzig: C. G. Boerner, 1940), 5, cat. 36.

  37. 37. John 19:25–27.

  38. 38. Chapter 78, in John of Caulibus, Meditations on the Life of Christ, 254.

  39. 39. Chapter 77, in ibid., 250.

  40. 40. See Mark Trowbridge, “Art and Ommegangen: Paintings, Processions, and Dramas in the Late-Medieval Low Countries” (PhD diss., Institute of Fine Arts, New York University, 2000); Mark Trowbridge, “Sin and Redemption in Late-Medieval Art and Theater: The Magdalen as Role Model in Hugo van der Goes’s Vienna Diptych,” in Push Me, Pull You: Imaginative and Emotional Interaction in Late Medieval and Renaissance Art, vol. 1, ed. Sarah Blick and Laura D. Gelfand (Leiden: Brill, 2011), 415–45; Mark Trowbridge, “Late-Medieval Art and Theatre: The Prophets in Hugo van der Goes’s Berlin Adoration of the Shepherds,” in New Studies on Old Masters: Essays in Renaissance Art in Honour of Colin Eisler, ed. Diane Wolfthal and John Garton (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2011), 143–58.

  41. 41. Lines 1258–65, in The Saint Gall Passion Play, trans. and ed. Larry E. West, in Medieval Classics: Texts and Studies, vol. 6, ed. Joseph Szövérffy and Joseph F.-M. Marique (Brookline, Mass.: Classical Folia Editions, 1976), 106.

  42. 42. Sandro Sticca, The Planctus Mariae in the Dramatic Tradition of the Middle Ages, trans. Joseph R. Berrigan (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1988), esp. 119–20; Peter Victor Loewen, “‘Singing Men into Spiritual Joy’: The Rhetoric of Franciscan Piety in the Songs of the Medieval German Passion Play and Marienklage” (PhD diss., University of Southern California, 2001), esp. 374. See also Christine Stridde, “Evangelische, visionäre oder gespielte Zeugenschaft? Passion im Rheinischen Marienlob,” in Zeugnis und Zeugenschaft: Perspectiven aus der Vormoderne, ed. Wolfram Drews and Heike Schlie (Munich: Wilhelm Fink, 2011), 197–219.

  43. 43. Lines 1374–80, in The Saint Gall Passion Play, ed. West, 111.

  44. 44. Lines 1384–1400, in ibid., 111–12. For this pattern of conforming to Christ in the Marienklagen by identifying first with Mary’s maternal sorrow and then with her imitative grief, see Loewen, “‘Singing Men into Spiritual Joy’,” 449–51. For a related study on Marian sermons, see Donna Spivey Ellington, “Impassioned Mother or Passive Icon: The Virgin’s Role in Late Medieval and Early Modern Passion Sermons,” Renaissance Quarterly 48 (Summer 1995): 227–61, esp., 231–32, https://doi.org/10.2307/2863065.

  45. 45. Lines 322–24, in Texte und Melodien der “Erlauer Spiele,” ed. Wolfgang Suppan and Johannes Janota, Musikethnologische Sammelbände 11 (Tutzing: Hans Schneider, 1990), 205; translated in Loewen, “‘Singing Men into Spiritual Joy’,” 448.

  46. 46. Loewen, “‘Singing Men into Spiritual Joy’”; Peter Loewen, “Portrayals of the Vita Christi in the Medieval German Marienklage: Signs of Franciscan Exegesis and Rhetoric in Drama and Music,” Comparative Drama 42 (Fall 2008): 315–45, https://doi.org/10.1353/cdr.0.0017.

  47. 47. Lines 2041–42, in the Sterzinger Passionsspiel (1496), quoted in N. H. J. Zwijnenburg, Die Veronicagestalt in den Deutschen Passionsspielen des 15. und 16. Jahrhunderts, Amsterdamer Publikationen zur Sprache und Literatur 79, ed. Cola Minis and Arend Quak (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1988), 67. I am grateful to Albrecht Classen for the translation of this passage. For the sudarium as a consolation for the sorrowful heart, see lines 1602–11, in the Augsburger Passionsspiel (last quarter of the fifteenth century), quoted in Zwijnenburg, Die Veronicagestalt, 77–78. For the sudarium as a sign, see lines 5438–95, in the Alsfelder Passionsspiel (early sixteenth century), quoted in Zwijnenburg, Die Veronicagestalt, 56–59.

  48. 48. On representations of visionary sight, see Bret Rothstein, Sight and Spirituality in Early Netherlandish Painting (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005), chapter 2, esp. 50-52.

  49. 49. See Hand, Metger, and Spronk, Prayers and Portraits, 210-17.

  50. 50. Annette Scherer, “Fromme Rätsel: Beobachtungen zum Diptychon eines Franziskaners von Jan Provost,” in Im Zeichen des Christkinds: Privates Bild und Frömmigkeit im Spätmittelalter; Ergebnisse der Ausstellung Spiegel der Seligkeit, ed. Frank Matthias Kammel (Nuremberg: Verlag des Germanischen Nationalmuseums, 2003), 79.

  51. 51. Metropolitan Museum of Art, Gothic and Renaissance Art in Nuremberg 1300–1500 (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1986), 170, cat. 41.  

  52. 52. Mark 15:37.

  53. 53. See Voll, Braune, and Buchheit, Katalog der Gemälde, 243, cat. 871a and 871b.

  54. 54. Matthew 26:39.

  55. 55. Matthew 26:41.

  56. 56. Luke 22:44.

  57. 57. John 19:30.

  58. 58. Luke 22:45.

  59. 59. I am indebted to Walter S. Melion for noting the implications of red blood on the intensely white veil.

  60. 60. On blood- and tear-stained cloth in Germanic painting, see David S. Areford, The Art of Empathy: The Mother of Sorrows in Northern Renaissance Art and Devotion (Jacksonville, Fla.: Cummer Museum of Art and Gardens, 2013), 18, 31, 43, 46. Areford also cites the miracle-working panel of the Mater Dolorosa from the Church of Santa Maria in Ara Coeli, in which the Virgin’s violet mantle is stained with blood. Ibid., 38, 40.

  61. 61. Ibid., 43, 45.

  62. 62. John 12:3, Luke 7:38.

  63. 63. J. R. Hale argues that the motif of a face on a shield appears most frequently in Bohemian Crucifixion scenes of the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries. He interprets it as an apotropaic device underscoring the idolatry of the centurion who later confessed Christ’s divinity. J.R. Hale, “Soldiers in the Religious Art of the Renaissance,” Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester 69 (Autumn 1986): 176n16, https://doi.org/10.7227/BJRL.69.1.7. I am grateful to my student, Timothy Elliott, for his assistance in researching this armorial device.

  64. 64. Much of this analysis could also be applied to the shield depicted in the Munich Crucifixion cited earlier (fig. 7). The grotesque head in that composition is bearded, with thornlike horns above its eyes and locks of hair near the hand of the soldier. The expression of angst on its face, coupled with these other features, makes a pointed comparison to the sudarium.

  65. 65. See Jamie L. Smith, “‘So moeti den schilt draghen; Dien God veruwede met roder greine’: Jan van Eyck’s Critical Principles of Oil Painting and Their Middle Dutch Antecedents” (PhD diss., The Johns Hopkins University, 2008), chapter 2, esp. 39–47.

  66. 66. 2 Corinthians 3:3.

  67. 67. It is interesting to recall that, according to legend, the centurion Saint Longinus was healed of spiritual and physical blindness when his eyes came into contact with blood from Christ’s side wound.

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DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2018.10.1.1
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Elliott D. Wise, "Cycles of Memory and Circular Compassion in a Germanic Passion Diptych," Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 10:1 (Winter 2018) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2018.10.1.1