Begging for Attention: The Artful Context of Rembrandt’s Etching Beggar Seated on a Bank

Rembrandt,  Beggar Seated on a Bank, monogrammed RHL and d, 1630, British Museum, London

Rembrandt’s representation of his own features in Beggar seated on a Bank (etching, 1630) gains resonance in the context of a visual and literary tradition depicting “art impoverished” and reflects the artist’s struggle for recognition from patrons such as Stadholder Frederick Hendrik at a pivotal moment in his early career.

DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2013.5.2.8

Acknowledgements

Dedicated to Egbert Haverkamp-Begemann, inspiring mentor and generous friend.

Rembrandt,  Beggar Seated on a Bank, monogrammed RHL and d, 1630,  British Museum, London
Fig. 1 Rembrandt, Beggar Seated on a Bank, monogrammed RHL and dated 1630, etching, 116 x 70 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. F,5.126 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Rembrandt,  Self-Portrait with Mouth Open as if Shouting, mo, 1630,  British Museum, London
Fig. 2 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Mouth Open as if Shouting, monogrammed and dated 1630, etching, 73 x 62 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. F,4.16 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Rembrandt,  Christ on the Cross, signed and dated RHL 1631, 1631,  Collegiate Church of St. Vincent, Le Mas d'Agenais
Fig. 3 Rembrandt, Christ on the Cross, signed and dated RHL 1631, oil on canvas mounted on panel, 92.9 x 72.6 cm. Collegiate Church of St. Vincent, Le Mas d’Agenais (artwork in the public domain) Photo: Eglise du Mas-d’Agenais, France / Bridgeman-Giraudon [comparison viewer]
Jan Lievens,  Beggar Seated on a Bank (after Rembrandt),  British Museum, London
Fig. 4 Jan Lievens, Beggar Seated on a Bank (after Rembrandt), etching, 320 x 200 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. 1969,0111.5 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Jacques Callot,  Man in Rags from Le Baroni (1622–23), 1622-1623,  British Museum, London
Fig. 5 Jacques Callot, Man in Rags from Le Baroni (1622–23), engraving, 135 (trimmed) x 84 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. 1861,0713.933 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Albrecht Dürer,  Christ as the Man of Sorrows, title page from L,  British Museum, London
Fig. 6 Albrecht Dürer, Christ as the Man of Sorrows, title page from Large Passion (1511), woodcut, image 197 x 195 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. E,3.74 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Rembrandt,  Self-Portrait in Soft Cap and Embroidered Cloak,, 1631,  British Museum, London
Fig. 7 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait in Soft Cap and Embroidered Cloak, signed Rembrandt f. and dated RHL 1631, etching, 148 x 130 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. F,4.9 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Stefano Della Bella,  frontispiece to Diverses Tetes et Figures (1650, 1650,  British Museum, London
Fig. 8 Stefano Della Bella, frontispiece to Diverses Tetes et Figures (1650), etching, 87 x 68 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. 1862,1011.293 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Adam Elsheimer,  The Artist Despairing of His Poverty,  ca. 1603–05,  Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich
Fig. 9 Adam Elsheimer, The Artist Despairing of His Poverty, ca. 1603–05, drawing, pen and ink. Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich (artwork in the public domain) Photo: Author. [comparison viewer]
Salvator Rosa,  Allegory of Painting,  ca. 1648–50,  Windsor Castle, Royal Collection
Fig. 10 Salvator Rosa, Allegory of Painting, ca. 1648–50, drawing, pen and brown ink with brown wash, 302 x 219 mm. Windsor Castle, Royal Collection, inv. no. 6124 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: Royal Collection Trust © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, 2013. [comparison viewer]
  1. 1. Sheet of Studies: Head of the Artist, A Beggar Couple, Heads of an Old Man and an Old Woman, etc., etching, ca. 1632. Christopher White and Karel G. Boon, Hollstein’s Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, vol. 18, Rembrandt van Rijn (Amsterdam: Van Gent & Co., 1969), B. 363 (prints in this volume cited hereafter as “B.”). See, inter alia, Holm Bevers et al., Rembrandt: The Master and His Workshop, Drawings and Etchings, exh. cat. (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; Berlin: Gemäldegalerie; and London: National Gallery / New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991), 180–81, cat. 5. See also the etching of ca. 1651, B. 370.

  2. 2. Edmé-Francois Gersaint, Catalogue raisonné de toutes les pièces qui forment l’oeuvre de Rembrandt (Paris, 1751; English ed., London, 1752), cat. 168; Adam Bartsch, Catalogue raisonné de toutes les estampes qui forment l’oeuvre de Rembrandt, et ceux de ses principaux imitateurs (Vienna, 1797), cat. 174.

  3. 3. [Ignace-Joseph] de Claussin, Catalogue raisonné de toutes les estampes qui forment l’oeuvre de Rembrandt et des principales pièces de ses elèves (Paris, 1824), cat. 171 (“la physiognomie a beaucoup de ressemblance à Rembrandt”). Unless otherwise noted, translations are my own.

  4. 4. The resemblance is not mentioned by Daniel Daulby, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Works of Rembrandt and of His Scholars Bol, Livens and Van Vliet (Liverpool, 1796), cat. 168; [Thomas Wilson], A Descriptive Catalogue of the Prints of Rembrandt by an Amateur (London, 1836), cat. 171; Charles Blanc, L’Oeuvre complet de Rembrandt décrit et commenté (Paris, 1859–61), cat. 136; Charles H. Middleton, Descriptive Catalogue of the Etched Work of Rembrandt van Rhyn (London, 1878), cat. 34; or, in modern times, by White and Boon, Rembrandt (B. 174, with a list of copies).

  5. 5. Arthur M. Hind, A Catalogue of Rembrandt’s Etchings (London, 1912; 2nd ed., 1923), cat. 11, states that “the head resembles the artist’s study from himself (No. 31),” referring to Self-Portrait with Open Mouth as if Shouting (B. 13).

  6. 6. Early writers in English describe the figure’s rustic seat as a hillock, but White and Boon’s more alliterative “bank” (B. 174) has become standard.

  7. 7. Daulby, Descriptive Catalogue, cat. 168; Bartsch, Catalogue raisonné, cat. 174. Cataloguers have used the term “beggar” (in French gueux or mendiant) generically. Beggars Receiving Alms at the Door of a House (1648, B. 176) depicts an act of charity, but the performers in Blind Fiddler (1631, B. 138), Strolling Musicians (ca. 1635, B. 119), andThe Rat-Poison Peddlar (1632, B. 121) have meager services to sell. See, inter alia, Clifford S. Ackley et al., Rembrandt’s Journey: Painter, Draftsman, Etcher, exh. cat. (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, and Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago , 2003), 90–92, 169–74.

  8. 8. This reading belongs to a larger argument about the purposes of Rembrandt’s self-portraits. See, for example, Peter Schatborn in Erik Hinterding et al., Rembrandt the Printmaker, exh. cat. (London: British Museum, and Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 2000), 94; Christopher White et al., Rembrandt by Himself, exh. cat. (London: National Gallery, and The Hague: Mauritshuis / New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1999), 129–30, cat. 24.

  9. 9. On the visual and social construction of indigence in Rembrandt’s milieu, see, for example, Marijke Kok and Simon Levie, Arm in de gouden eeuw, exh cat.
    (Amsterdam: Amsterdams Historisch Museum, 1965); on Rembrandt’s beggars, see Elisabeth Sudek, Bettlerdarstellungen vom Ende des XV. Jahrhunderts bis zu Rembrandt (Strassburg: Heitz, 1931); Robert Baldwin, “‘On earth we are beggars, as Christ himself was’: The Protestant Background of Rembrandt’s Imagery of Poverty, Disability, and Begging,” Konsthistorisk Tidskrift 54, no. 3 (1985): 122–35; Suzanne Stratton, “Rembrandt’s Beggars: Satire and Sympathy,” Print Collector’s Newsletter 17, no. 3 (1986): 77–81; William H. Halewood, “Rembrandt’s Low Diction,” Oud Holland 107 (1993): 287–95; Gary Schwartz, “Sordid and sacred: the Beggars in Rembrandt’s Etchings,” in Sordid and Sacred. The Beggars in Rembrandt’s Etchings. Selections from the John Villarino Collection, exh. cat., Los Angeles: Landau Traveling Exhibitions, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00233608508604082 http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501793X00027

  10. 10. Ackley, Rembrandt’s Journey, 91. Jasper Kettner in Rembrandt: Ein Virtuose der Druckgraphik, exh. cat., ed. Holm Bevers, Jasper Kettner, and Gudula Metze (Berlin: Kupferstichkabinett / Staatliche Museen, 2006), 52, cat. 9, states that it is unclear whether Rembrandt here used his own face merely as a type or intended to depict his status as an artist in society. H. Perry Chapman, Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits: A Study in Seventeenth-Century Identity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1980), 32–33, associates the print with the tradition of the artist as melancholic (see further below).

  11. 11. Rembrandt would have been chagrined to know that his Abduction of Proserpina (Gemäldegalerie, Berlin), painted in 1631–32 for Stadhouder Frederik Hendrik, was listed in the Orange inventory until 1707 as by Lievens. Josua Bruyn et al., A Corpus of Rembrandt Paintings (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1982–2010), 1:365–72, cat. A39.

  12. 12. Musée de la Chartreuse, Douai, on loan to Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. See Ad M. Th. Leerintveld, “‘T’quam soo wel te pass’: Huygens’ portretbijschriften en de datering van zijn portret geschilderd door Jan Lievens,” Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 8 (1989): 159–84; and Arthur K. Wheelock Jr. et al., Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered, exh. cat. (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Milwaukee: Milwaukee Art Museum; and Amsterdam: Rembrandthuis, 2008), 112–13, cat. 16 (dating the painting to 1628–29).

  13. 13. Further evidence is a comment by Sir Robert Kerr, First Earl of Ancram, whom Lievens portrayed in 1654 (private collection): “Mr. Lievens, the Duke of Brandenburg’s painter . . . is the better because he has so high a conceit of himself that he thinks there is none to be compared with him in all Germany, Holland, nor the rest of the seventeen provinces.” Wheelock, Lievens, 178–79, cat. 51. See also the article by Jacquelyn Coutré in this volume.

  14. 14. Rembrandt, Christ on the Cross, 1631, Collegiate Church of St. Vincent, Le Mas d’Agenais. Bruyn et al., Corpus, 1:338–45, cat. A35; for Lievens, Christ on the Cross, 1631, Musee des Beaux-Arts, Nancy, see Wheelock, Lievens, 144-45, cat. 32. Although completed in 1631, these works may well have been commissioned in 1630. Bruyn et al., Corpus, considered these paintings unconnected with the Passion series, but there is now consensus that they must have been related. See, e.g., Schwartz, “Sordid and Sacred,” and recently, Lloyd DeWitt et al., Rembrandt and the Face of Jesus, exh. cat. (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art; Detroit: Detroit Institute of Arts; and Paris: Musée du Louvre / New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2011), 179–85, cat. 10.

  15. 15. Honthorst garnered success as a court portraitist by transforming his style from Caravaggist to classicist. See Peter van der Ploeg, Carola Vermeeren, and B. P. J. Broos, Princely Patrons: The Collection of Frederick Henry of Orange and Amalia of Solms in the Hague, exh. cat. (The Hague: Royal Picture Gallery Mauritshuis / Zwolle: Waanders, 1997); Marika Keblusek and Jori Zijlmans, Princely Display, exh. cat. (The Hague: Historical Museum / Zwolle: Waanders, 1997). For Rembrandt’s portrait of Amalia von Solms (Musée Jacquemart-André, Paris), see Van der Ploeg, Vermeeren, and Broos, Princely Patrons, 134–35; and Bruyn et al., Corpus, 2:249–55, cat. A61. For Amalia’s art patronage, see, recently, Saskia Beranek, “Power of the Portrait: Production, Consumption and Display of Portraits of Amalia van Solms in the Dutch Republic” (PhD diss., University of Pittsburgh, 2013).

  16. 16. For Rembrandt’s dealings with patrons, see especially Paul Crenshaw, Rembrandt’s Bankruptcy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 119–25 (the D’Andrada dispute, 1654). For the rejection of the portrait of Jan Antonides van der Linden (B. 264), Rembrandt’s last etching, see Stephanie S. Dickey, Rembrandt: Portraits in Print (Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Co., 2006), 159–62.

  17. 17. Hind, Catalogue, under cat. 11; Dmitri Rovinski, L’Oeuvre gravé des élèves de Rembrandt et des maîtres qui ont gravé dans son goût (St. Petersburg, 1894), col. 39, cat. 77, does not mention Rembrandt’s etching as a source. Compare, for example, Jacob Anointing the Stone and Saint John the Evangelist on Patmos; see Wheelock, Lievens,188-89, cats. 56, 57; and Stephanie S. Dickey, “Jan Lievens and Printmaking,” in Wheelock, Lievens, 55–67.

  18. 18. Judas Repentant, 1629, private collection, England. Bruyn et al., Corpus, 1:177–95, cat. A15. For the Latin text and translation of Huygens’s comments, see Walter L. Strauss et al., The Rembrandt Documents (New York: Abaris Books, 1979), 68–72; and Alan Chong et al., ed., Rembrandt Creates Rembrandt, exh. cat. (Boston: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum / Zwolle; Waanders, 2000), 134–36 (translation cited here). The caption to the printed portrait of Lievens by Lucas Vorsterman (1595–1675) after Anthony van Dyck (1599–1641) also describes Lievens as a painter of large-scale figures (“pictor humanarum figurarum maiorum”). Huygens was writing about paintings (Lievens’s Christ on the Cross is larger than Rembrandt’s, as noted by Virginia Treanor in Wheelock, Lievens, 144), but in their prints, too, Lievens tended to work on a larger scale; several of Rembrandt’s first attempts to emulate this were failures, for example, Peter Healing the Lame Man, B. 95, andSaint Paul at His Desk, B. 149; see Dickey in Wheelock, Lievens, 57.

  19. 19. Karel van Mander: The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters, ed. Hessel Miedema (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994–99), 1:416–17. See Stephanie S. Dickey,Rembrandt Face to Face (Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 2006) and Dickey, “Strategies of Self-Portraiture from Hans von Aachen to Rembrandt,” in Hans von Aachen in Context: Proceedings of the International Conference Prague 22–25 September 2010, ed. Lubomír Konecny and Stepán Vácha (Prague: Artefactum, 2012), 72–81. Rembrandt’s painting of ca. 1635 depicting the artist with his wife Saskia in a tavern, usually interpreted as a reference to the prodigal son, is in the Gemäldegalerie, Dresden.

  20. 20. See Daniel Ternois and Paulette Choné, Jacques Callot, 1592–1653, exh. cat. (Nancy: Musée historique Lorrain / Paris: Editions de la réunion des musées nationaux, 1992), 276–81; Sue Welsh Reed et al., French Prints from the Age of the Musketeers, exh cat. (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1998), 66–67, cats. 18–20. In discussing this title page, Gary Schwartz makes the intriguing observation that “beggar” also had political connotations in the Dutch Republic, where William of Orange and his “sea beggars” had been responsible for initiating the revolt from Spain. http://www.garyschwartzarthistorian.nl/schwartzlist/?id=58 (accessed May 22, 2013)

  21. 21. Baldwin, “‘On earth,’” 122–24, 132; see also Stratton, “Rembrandt’s Beggars.” http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00233608508604082

  22. 22. Dürer’s self-identification with Christ is explored by Joseph Leo Koerner, The Moment of Self-Portraiture in German Renaissance Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 17–21, 63–79, and passim. The frontispiece to the Small Passion also depicts a seated, suffering Christ, and the etching Christ as the Man of Sorrows, 1515, might have caught Rembrandt’s interest for its sketchy technique. By 1656, Rembrandt owned a variety of prints by Dürer; see Bob van den Boogert et al., Rembrandt’s Treasures (Amsterdam: Museum het Rembrandthuis / Zwolle: Waanders, 1999).

  23. 23. See, inter alia, Eddy de Jongh, “Over ambachstman en kunstenaar: De status van de schilder in de 16de en 17de eeuw,” in Het beeld van de kunstenaar in de Renaissance, ed. Bernhard F. Scholz and Arie-Jan Gelderblom (Utrecht: Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, 1983), 29–58; and Michael Cole and Mary Pardo, eds., Inventions of the Studio, Renaissance to Romanticism (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 2005). Rembrandt’s Artist in the Studio of ca. 1629 (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; Bruyn et al., Corpus, 1:208–13, cat. A18) reflects his early interest in allegories of artistic practice.

  24. 24. See Martin Royalton-Kisch, Drawings by Rembrandt and His Circle in the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1992), 45–46, cat. 8a; Stephanie S. Dickey, “Van Dyck in Holland: The Iconography and Its Impact on Rembrandt and Lievens,” in Van Dyck 1599–1999: Conjectures and Refutations, ed. Hans Vlieghe (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 289–304.

  25. 25. Marieke de Winkel in Bruyn et al., Corpus, 4:55–57, describes the loose smocks worn by many seventeenth-century painters as resembling (or possibly identical with) the tabbaard, a long robe typically worn by men at home.

  26. 26. A curiously relevant contribution is a painting by Michael Sweerts (1618–1664) depicting a draftsman seated outdoors and sketching the likeness of an elderly beggar while a crowd looks on, auctioned Sotheby’s, London, March 27, 1963, and July 8, 2009 (bought in); Jan Emmens, Rembrandt en de regels van de kunst (Amsterdam: G. A. van Oorschot, 1979), 153, fig. 8.

  27. 27. Chapman, Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits, 32–33.

  28. 28. Constantijn Huygens, Koren-Bloemen (The Hague, 1658), 644.

  29. 29. Adam Elsheimer, The Artist Despairing of His Poverty, ca. 1603–05, pen and brown ink, Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich. Michael Semff, ed., Dürer to de Kooning: 100 Master Drawings from Munich, exh. cat. (New York: The Morgan Library and Museum, 2012), 98–99, cat. 38 (with references to other treatments of the theme). While it cannot be proven that Rembrandt knew this drawing, his teacher Pieter Lastman (1583–1633) must have introduced him to Elsheimer’s work, as reflected in early paintings such as The Stoning of Saint Stephen (Bruyn et al., Corpus, 1:208–13, cat. A1).

  30. 30. For the prints after Both and the theme of the poor artist, see Eddy de Jongh and Ger Luijten, Mirror of Everyday Life: Genre Prints in the Netherlands, 1550–1700, exh. cat. (Amsterdam: Rijksprentenkabinet / Ghent: Snoeck-Ducaju & Son, 1997), 247–53, cat. 49. They also mention (252n6) the related contrast between the ideals of pictor doctus, or learned painter, and pictor vulgaris, the latter term associated with Rembrandt by Jan Emmens, Regels, 57–66, 200–209.

  31. 31. Inemie Gerards-Nelissen, “Federico Zuccaro and the Lament of Painting,” Simiolus 13, no. 1 (1983): 44–53; Philip Sohm in Painting for MoneyThe Economic Lives of Seventeenth-century Italian Painters, ed. Richard E. Spear and Philip Sohm (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2010), 206–07. Painting for Money presents an insightful study of the market pressures faced by artists in Italy.

  32. 32. This painting was connected with the loss of Medici patronage that precipitated Rosa’s departure from Florence in 1649 by Jonathan Scott, Salvator Rosa: His Life and Times (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 43–44; and with his distaste for the Bamboccianti and the rapid growth of the market for cheap paintings in Rome by Richard Spear in Painting for Money, 42. See also Michael Mahoney, The Drawings of Salvator Rosa (New York: Garland, 1977), 1:291, cat. 24.5; Herwig Guratzsch, ed., Salvator Rosa, Genie der Zeichnung: Studien und Skizzen aus Leipzig und Haarlem, exh. cat. (Leipzig: Museum der Bildenden Künste / Cologne: Wienand, 1999), 106, under cat. 26.

  33. 33. See Wendy Wassyng Roworth, “A Date for Salvator Rosa’s Satire on Painting and the Bamboccianti in Rome,” Art Bulletin 63, no. 4 (1981): 611–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3050166

  34. 34. Wendy Wassyng Roworth, “Poor Painting and the Fortunes of Salvator Rosa,” in Salvator Rosa (1615–1673) e il suo tempo, ed. Sybille Ebert-Schifferer, Helen Langdon, and Caterina Volpi (Rome: Biblioteca Herziana, 2009), 125–39. Roworth relates the Windsor drawing to a sketch (Bonna collection, Geneva) in which Poor Painting swats away flies from unsold paintings that lie like decaying fruit in the artist’s studio. Rosa based an undated painting, The Raising of Lazarus (Matthiesen Gallery, London), on the prints of this subject etched by Rembrandt and Lievens in 1631 (Wheelock, Lievens, 142-43, 204-5, cats. 31 and 73). See Silvia Cassani, ed., Salvator Rosa tra mito e magia, exh cat. (Naples: Museo Capodimonte, 2008), 218-9, cat. 71; and www.matthiesengallery.com/info.asp?Id_painting=354 (accessed May 13, 2013).

  35. 35. Van Hoogstraten listed love (of art) above honor and profit as artistic motivations. See Thijs Weststeijn, The Visible World: Samuel van Hoogstraten’s Art Theory and the Legitimation of Painting in the Dutch Golden Age (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2008), 91–95.

  36. 36. See Eric Jan Sluijter, De lof der schilderkunst: Over schilderijen van Gerrit Dou (1613–1671) en een traktaat van Philips Angels uit 1642 (Hilversum: Verloren, 1992). Comparable issues in the Italian art market are explored in Spear and Sohm, Painting for Money.

  37. 37. “Een vroom gemoet acht eer voor goet.” Burchard Grossmann visited Amsterdam in June 1634. His album was inscribed by Hendrick Uylenburgh (1584 or 1589–ca. 1660) as well as Rembrandt. Strauss et al., Rembrandt Documents, doc. 1634/6.

  38. 38. The tone of the letters escalates from polite in 1636 to pleading in 1639, when, having just purchased his house on the Breestraat, Rembrandt is compelled to write to Huygens, “May I ask you, dear Sir, that the money which His Highness allows me . . . be paid here as soon as possible, because I could really use it right now.” See Strauss et al., Rembrandt Documents, 129–34, 160–75, esp. 167, doc. 1639/4; and Crenshaw, Rembrandt’s Bankruptcy. Crenshaw’s essay in this volume on Rembrandt’s Satire on Art Criticism, a drawing of 1644 (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York), suggests that its origins may lie in the same context as Beggar Seated on a Bank. Further attention should also be paid to the continuing presence of Lievens as friend and competitor in Rembrandt’s life: in 1644, he returned from Antwerp to settle in Amsterdam; see Dickey, Rembrandt: Portraits in Print, 132-5, and Dickey, “Jan Lievens in Rembrandt’s House,” Kroniek van het Rembrandthuis (2008 [2009]): 36–53.

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Dickey, Stephanie S. “Van Dyck in Holland: The Iconography and Its Impact on Rembrandt and Lievens.” In Van Dyck 1599–1999: Conjectures and Refutations, edited by Hans Vlieghe, 289–304. Turnhout: Brepols, 2001.

Dickey, Stephanie S. “Jan Lievens and Printmaking.” In Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered, exh. cat., edited by Arthur K. Wheelock, Jr., 55–67. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Milwaukee: Milwaukee Art Museum; and Amsterdam: Rembrandthuis, 2008.

Dickey, Stephanie S. “Jan Lievens in Rembrandt’s House.” Kroniek van het Rembrandthuis (2008 [2009]): 36–53.

Dickey, Stephanie S. “Strategies of Self-Portraiture from Hans von Aachen to Rembrandt.” In Hans von Aachen in Context: Proceedings of the International Conference Prague 22–25 September 2010, edited by Lubomír Konecny and Stepán Vácha, 72–81. Prague: Artefactum, 2012..

Emmens, Jan. Rembrandt en de regels van de kunst. Amsterdam: G. A. van Oorschot, 1979.

Gerards-Nelissen, Inemie. “Federico Zuccaro and the Lament of Painting.” Simiolus 13, no. 1 (1983): 44–53.  http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3780606

Gersaint, Edmé-Francois. Catalogue raisonné de toutes les pièces qui forment l’oeuvre de Rembrandt. Paris, 1751; English ed., London, 1752.

Guratzsch, Herwig, ed.Salvator Rosa, Genie der Zeichnung: Studien und Skizzen aus Leipzig und Haarlem. Exh. cat. Leipzig: Museum der Bildenden Künste / Cologne: Wienand, 1999.

Halewood, William H. “Rembrandt’s Low Diction.” Oud Holland 107 (1993): 287–95.  http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501793X00027

Hind, Arthur M. A Catalogue of Rembrandt’s Etchings. London, 1912; 2nd ed., London, 1923.

Hinterding, Erik et al. Rembrandt the Printmaker. Exh. cat. London: British Museum, and Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 2000.

Huygens, Constantijn. Koren-Bloemen. The Hague, 1658.

Keblusek, Marika, and Jori Zijlmans. Princely Display. Exh. cat. The Hague: Historical Museum / Zwolle: Waanders, 1997.

Koerner, Joseph Leo. The Moment of Self-Portraiture in German Renaissance Art. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993.

Kok, Marijke Carasso, and Simon H. Levie. Arm in de gouden eeuw. Exh. cat. Amsterdam: Amsterdams Historisch Museum, 1965.

Leerintveld, Ad M. Th. “‘T’quam soo wel te pass’: Huygens’ portretbijschriften en de datering van zijn portret geschilderd door Jan Lievens.” Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 8 (1989): 159–84.

Mahoney, Michael. The Drawings of Salvator Rosa. 2 vols. New York: Garland, 1977.

Middleton, Charles H. Descriptive Catalogue of the Etched Work of Rembrandt van Rhyn. London, 1878.

Reed, Sue Welsh, et al. French Prints from the Age of the Musketeers. Exh. cat. Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1998.

Rovinski, Dmitri, L’Oeuvre gravé des élèves de Rembrandt et des maîtres qui ont gravé dans son goût. St. Petersburg, 1894.

Roworth, Wendy Wassyng. “A Date for Salvator Rosa’s Satire on Painting and the Bamboccianti in Rome.” Art Bulletin 63, no. 4 (1981): 611–17.  http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3050166

Roworth, Wendy Wassyng. “Poor Painting and the Fortunes of Salvator Rosa.” In Salvator Rosa (1615–1673) e il suo tempo, edited by Sybille Ebert-Schifferer, Helen Langdon, and Caterina Volpi, 125–39. Rome: Biblioteca Herziana, 2009.

Royalton-Kisch, Martin. Drawings by Rembrandt and His Circle in the British Museum. Exh. cat. London: British Museum, 1992.

Schwartz, Gary. “Sordid and Sacred: The Beggars in Rembrandt’s Etchings,” in Sordid and Sacred. The Beggars in Rembrandt’s Etchings. Selections from the John Villarino Collection. Exh. cat. Los Angeles: Landau Traveling Exhibitions, 2006.

Scott, Jonathan. Salvator Rosa: His Life and Times. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995.

Semff, Michael, ed. Dürer to de Kooning: 100 Master Drawings from Munich. Exh. cat. New York: The Morgan Library and Museum, 2012.

Sluijter, Eric Jan. De lof der schilderkunst: Over schilderijen van Gerrit Dou (1613–1671) en een traktaat van Philips Angels uit 1642. Hilversum: Verloren, 1992.

Spear, Richard E., and Philip Sohm, eds., with contributions by Renata Ago, et al. Painting for Money: The Economic Lives of Seventeenth-century Italian Painters. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2010.

Stratton, Suzanne. “Rembrandt’s Beggars: Satire and Sympathy.” Print Collector’s Newsletter 17, no. 3 (1986): 77–1.

Strauss, Walter L., et al. The Rembrandt Documents. New York: Abaris Books, 1979.

Sudek, Elisabeth. Bettlerdarstellungen vom Ende des XV. Jahrhunderts bis zu Rembrandt. Strassburg: Heitz, 1931.

Ternois, Daniel, and Paulette Choné. Jacques Callot, 1592–1653. Exh. cat. Nancy: Musée historique Lorrain / Paris: Editions de la réunion des musées nationaux, 1992.

Van den Boogert, Bob, et al. Rembrandt’s Treasures. Amsterdam: Museum het Rembrandthuis / Zwolle: Waanders, 1999.

Van der Ploeg, Peter, Carola Vermeeren, and B. P. J. Broos. Princely Patrons: The Collection of Frederick Henry of Orange and Amalia of Solms in the Hague. Exh. cat. The Hague: Royal Picture Gallery Mauritshuis / Zwolle: Waanders, 1997.

Van Mander, Karel. Karel van Mander: The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters. Edited and with an introduction by Hessel Miedema. 6 vols. Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994–99.

Weststeijn, Thijs. The Visible World: Samuel van Hoostraten’s Art Theory and the Legitimation of Painting in the Dutch Golden Age. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2008.

Wheelock, Arthur K., Jr., et al. Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered. Exh. cat. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Milwaukee: Milwaukee Art Museum; and Amsterdam: Rembrandthuis, 2008.

White, Christopher, and Karel G. Boon. Hollstein’s Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, vol. 18, Rembrandt van Rijn. Amsterdam: Van Gent & Co., 1969.

White, Christopher, Quentin Buvelot, et al. Rembrandt by Himself. Exh. cat. London: National Gallery, and The Hague: Mauritshuis. New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1999.

[Wilson, Thomas]. A Descriptive Catalogue of the Prints of Rembrandt by an Amateur. London, 1836.

List of Illustrations

Rembrandt,  Beggar Seated on a Bank, monogrammed RHL and d, 1630,  British Museum, London
Fig. 1 Rembrandt, Beggar Seated on a Bank, monogrammed RHL and dated 1630, etching, 116 x 70 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. F,5.126 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Rembrandt,  Self-Portrait with Mouth Open as if Shouting, mo, 1630,  British Museum, London
Fig. 2 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Mouth Open as if Shouting, monogrammed and dated 1630, etching, 73 x 62 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. F,4.16 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Rembrandt,  Christ on the Cross, signed and dated RHL 1631, 1631,  Collegiate Church of St. Vincent, Le Mas d'Agenais
Fig. 3 Rembrandt, Christ on the Cross, signed and dated RHL 1631, oil on canvas mounted on panel, 92.9 x 72.6 cm. Collegiate Church of St. Vincent, Le Mas d’Agenais (artwork in the public domain) Photo: Eglise du Mas-d’Agenais, France / Bridgeman-Giraudon [comparison viewer]
Jan Lievens,  Beggar Seated on a Bank (after Rembrandt),  British Museum, London
Fig. 4 Jan Lievens, Beggar Seated on a Bank (after Rembrandt), etching, 320 x 200 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. 1969,0111.5 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Jacques Callot,  Man in Rags from Le Baroni (1622–23), 1622-1623,  British Museum, London
Fig. 5 Jacques Callot, Man in Rags from Le Baroni (1622–23), engraving, 135 (trimmed) x 84 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. 1861,0713.933 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Albrecht Dürer,  Christ as the Man of Sorrows, title page from L,  British Museum, London
Fig. 6 Albrecht Dürer, Christ as the Man of Sorrows, title page from Large Passion (1511), woodcut, image 197 x 195 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. E,3.74 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Rembrandt,  Self-Portrait in Soft Cap and Embroidered Cloak,, 1631,  British Museum, London
Fig. 7 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait in Soft Cap and Embroidered Cloak, signed Rembrandt f. and dated RHL 1631, etching, 148 x 130 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. F,4.9 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Stefano Della Bella,  frontispiece to Diverses Tetes et Figures (1650, 1650,  British Museum, London
Fig. 8 Stefano Della Bella, frontispiece to Diverses Tetes et Figures (1650), etching, 87 x 68 mm. British Museum, London, inv. no. 1862,1011.293 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: British Museum [comparison viewer]
Adam Elsheimer,  The Artist Despairing of His Poverty,  ca. 1603–05,  Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich
Fig. 9 Adam Elsheimer, The Artist Despairing of His Poverty, ca. 1603–05, drawing, pen and ink. Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich (artwork in the public domain) Photo: Author. [comparison viewer]
Salvator Rosa,  Allegory of Painting,  ca. 1648–50,  Windsor Castle, Royal Collection
Fig. 10 Salvator Rosa, Allegory of Painting, ca. 1648–50, drawing, pen and brown ink with brown wash, 302 x 219 mm. Windsor Castle, Royal Collection, inv. no. 6124 (artwork in the public domain) Photo: Royal Collection Trust © Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II, 2013. [comparison viewer]

Footnotes

  1. 1. Sheet of Studies: Head of the Artist, A Beggar Couple, Heads of an Old Man and an Old Woman, etc., etching, ca. 1632. Christopher White and Karel G. Boon, Hollstein’s Dutch and Flemish Etchings, Engravings and Woodcuts, vol. 18, Rembrandt van Rijn (Amsterdam: Van Gent & Co., 1969), B. 363 (prints in this volume cited hereafter as “B.”). See, inter alia, Holm Bevers et al., Rembrandt: The Master and His Workshop, Drawings and Etchings, exh. cat. (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum; Berlin: Gemäldegalerie; and London: National Gallery / New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1991), 180–81, cat. 5. See also the etching of ca. 1651, B. 370.

  2. 2. Edmé-Francois Gersaint, Catalogue raisonné de toutes les pièces qui forment l’oeuvre de Rembrandt (Paris, 1751; English ed., London, 1752), cat. 168; Adam Bartsch, Catalogue raisonné de toutes les estampes qui forment l’oeuvre de Rembrandt, et ceux de ses principaux imitateurs (Vienna, 1797), cat. 174.

  3. 3. [Ignace-Joseph] de Claussin, Catalogue raisonné de toutes les estampes qui forment l’oeuvre de Rembrandt et des principales pièces de ses elèves (Paris, 1824), cat. 171 (“la physiognomie a beaucoup de ressemblance à Rembrandt”). Unless otherwise noted, translations are my own.

  4. 4. The resemblance is not mentioned by Daniel Daulby, A Descriptive Catalogue of the Works of Rembrandt and of His Scholars Bol, Livens and Van Vliet (Liverpool, 1796), cat. 168; [Thomas Wilson], A Descriptive Catalogue of the Prints of Rembrandt by an Amateur (London, 1836), cat. 171; Charles Blanc, L’Oeuvre complet de Rembrandt décrit et commenté (Paris, 1859–61), cat. 136; Charles H. Middleton, Descriptive Catalogue of the Etched Work of Rembrandt van Rhyn (London, 1878), cat. 34; or, in modern times, by White and Boon, Rembrandt (B. 174, with a list of copies).

  5. 5. Arthur M. Hind, A Catalogue of Rembrandt’s Etchings (London, 1912; 2nd ed., 1923), cat. 11, states that “the head resembles the artist’s study from himself (No. 31),” referring to Self-Portrait with Open Mouth as if Shouting (B. 13).

  6. 6. Early writers in English describe the figure’s rustic seat as a hillock, but White and Boon’s more alliterative “bank” (B. 174) has become standard.

  7. 7. Daulby, Descriptive Catalogue, cat. 168; Bartsch, Catalogue raisonné, cat. 174. Cataloguers have used the term “beggar” (in French gueux or mendiant) generically. Beggars Receiving Alms at the Door of a House (1648, B. 176) depicts an act of charity, but the performers in Blind Fiddler (1631, B. 138), Strolling Musicians (ca. 1635, B. 119), andThe Rat-Poison Peddlar (1632, B. 121) have meager services to sell. See, inter alia, Clifford S. Ackley et al., Rembrandt’s Journey: Painter, Draftsman, Etcher, exh. cat. (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, and Chicago: Art Institute of Chicago , 2003), 90–92, 169–74.

  8. 8. This reading belongs to a larger argument about the purposes of Rembrandt’s self-portraits. See, for example, Peter Schatborn in Erik Hinterding et al., Rembrandt the Printmaker, exh. cat. (London: British Museum, and Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 2000), 94; Christopher White et al., Rembrandt by Himself, exh. cat. (London: National Gallery, and The Hague: Mauritshuis / New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1999), 129–30, cat. 24.

  9. 9. On the visual and social construction of indigence in Rembrandt’s milieu, see, for example, Marijke Kok and Simon Levie, Arm in de gouden eeuw, exh cat.
    (Amsterdam: Amsterdams Historisch Museum, 1965); on Rembrandt’s beggars, see Elisabeth Sudek, Bettlerdarstellungen vom Ende des XV. Jahrhunderts bis zu Rembrandt (Strassburg: Heitz, 1931); Robert Baldwin, “‘On earth we are beggars, as Christ himself was’: The Protestant Background of Rembrandt’s Imagery of Poverty, Disability, and Begging,” Konsthistorisk Tidskrift 54, no. 3 (1985): 122–35; Suzanne Stratton, “Rembrandt’s Beggars: Satire and Sympathy,” Print Collector’s Newsletter 17, no. 3 (1986): 77–81; William H. Halewood, “Rembrandt’s Low Diction,” Oud Holland 107 (1993): 287–95; Gary Schwartz, “Sordid and sacred: the Beggars in Rembrandt’s Etchings,” in Sordid and Sacred. The Beggars in Rembrandt’s Etchings. Selections from the John Villarino Collection, exh. cat., Los Angeles: Landau Traveling Exhibitions, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00233608508604082 http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501793X00027

  10. 10. Ackley, Rembrandt’s Journey, 91. Jasper Kettner in Rembrandt: Ein Virtuose der Druckgraphik, exh. cat., ed. Holm Bevers, Jasper Kettner, and Gudula Metze (Berlin: Kupferstichkabinett / Staatliche Museen, 2006), 52, cat. 9, states that it is unclear whether Rembrandt here used his own face merely as a type or intended to depict his status as an artist in society. H. Perry Chapman, Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits: A Study in Seventeenth-Century Identity (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press, 1980), 32–33, associates the print with the tradition of the artist as melancholic (see further below).

  11. 11. Rembrandt would have been chagrined to know that his Abduction of Proserpina (Gemäldegalerie, Berlin), painted in 1631–32 for Stadhouder Frederik Hendrik, was listed in the Orange inventory until 1707 as by Lievens. Josua Bruyn et al., A Corpus of Rembrandt Paintings (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1982–2010), 1:365–72, cat. A39.

  12. 12. Musée de la Chartreuse, Douai, on loan to Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. See Ad M. Th. Leerintveld, “‘T’quam soo wel te pass’: Huygens’ portretbijschriften en de datering van zijn portret geschilderd door Jan Lievens,” Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 8 (1989): 159–84; and Arthur K. Wheelock Jr. et al., Jan Lievens: A Dutch Master Rediscovered, exh. cat. (Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art; Milwaukee: Milwaukee Art Museum; and Amsterdam: Rembrandthuis, 2008), 112–13, cat. 16 (dating the painting to 1628–29).

  13. 13. Further evidence is a comment by Sir Robert Kerr, First Earl of Ancram, whom Lievens portrayed in 1654 (private collection): “Mr. Lievens, the Duke of Brandenburg’s painter . . . is the better because he has so high a conceit of himself that he thinks there is none to be compared with him in all Germany, Holland, nor the rest of the seventeen provinces.” Wheelock, Lievens, 178–79, cat. 51. See also the article by Jacquelyn Coutré in this volume.

  14. 14. Rembrandt, Christ on the Cross, 1631, Collegiate Church of St. Vincent, Le Mas d’Agenais. Bruyn et al., Corpus, 1:338–45, cat. A35; for Lievens, Christ on the Cross, 1631, Musee des Beaux-Arts, Nancy, see Wheelock, Lievens, 144-45, cat. 32. Although completed in 1631, these works may well have been commissioned in 1630. Bruyn et al., Corpus, considered these paintings unconnected with the Passion series, but there is now consensus that they must have been related. See, e.g., Schwartz, “Sordid and Sacred,” and recently, Lloyd DeWitt et al., Rembrandt and the Face of Jesus, exh. cat. (Philadelphia: Philadelphia Museum of Art; Detroit: Detroit Institute of Arts; and Paris: Musée du Louvre / New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2011), 179–85, cat. 10.

  15. 15. Honthorst garnered success as a court portraitist by transforming his style from Caravaggist to classicist. See Peter van der Ploeg, Carola Vermeeren, and B. P. J. Broos, Princely Patrons: The Collection of Frederick Henry of Orange and Amalia of Solms in the Hague, exh. cat. (The Hague: Royal Picture Gallery Mauritshuis / Zwolle: Waanders, 1997); Marika Keblusek and Jori Zijlmans, Princely Display, exh. cat. (The Hague: Historical Museum / Zwolle: Waanders, 1997). For Rembrandt’s portrait of Amalia von Solms (Musée Jacquemart-André, Paris), see Van der Ploeg, Vermeeren, and Broos, Princely Patrons, 134–35; and Bruyn et al., Corpus, 2:249–55, cat. A61. For Amalia’s art patronage, see, recently, Saskia Beranek, “Power of the Portrait: Production, Consumption and Display of Portraits of Amalia van Solms in the Dutch Republic” (PhD diss., University of Pittsburgh, 2013).

  16. 16. For Rembrandt’s dealings with patrons, see especially Paul Crenshaw, Rembrandt’s Bankruptcy (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006), 119–25 (the D’Andrada dispute, 1654). For the rejection of the portrait of Jan Antonides van der Linden (B. 264), Rembrandt’s last etching, see Stephanie S. Dickey, Rembrandt: Portraits in Print (Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Co., 2006), 159–62.

  17. 17. Hind, Catalogue, under cat. 11; Dmitri Rovinski, L’Oeuvre gravé des élèves de Rembrandt et des maîtres qui ont gravé dans son goût (St. Petersburg, 1894), col. 39, cat. 77, does not mention Rembrandt’s etching as a source. Compare, for example, Jacob Anointing the Stone and Saint John the Evangelist on Patmos; see Wheelock, Lievens,188-89, cats. 56, 57; and Stephanie S. Dickey, “Jan Lievens and Printmaking,” in Wheelock, Lievens, 55–67.

  18. 18. Judas Repentant, 1629, private collection, England. Bruyn et al., Corpus, 1:177–95, cat. A15. For the Latin text and translation of Huygens’s comments, see Walter L. Strauss et al., The Rembrandt Documents (New York: Abaris Books, 1979), 68–72; and Alan Chong et al., ed., Rembrandt Creates Rembrandt, exh. cat. (Boston: Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum / Zwolle; Waanders, 2000), 134–36 (translation cited here). The caption to the printed portrait of Lievens by Lucas Vorsterman (1595–1675) after Anthony van Dyck (1599–1641) also describes Lievens as a painter of large-scale figures (“pictor humanarum figurarum maiorum”). Huygens was writing about paintings (Lievens’s Christ on the Cross is larger than Rembrandt’s, as noted by Virginia Treanor in Wheelock, Lievens, 144), but in their prints, too, Lievens tended to work on a larger scale; several of Rembrandt’s first attempts to emulate this were failures, for example, Peter Healing the Lame Man, B. 95, andSaint Paul at His Desk, B. 149; see Dickey in Wheelock, Lievens, 57.

  19. 19. Karel van Mander: The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters, ed. Hessel Miedema (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1994–99), 1:416–17. See Stephanie S. Dickey,Rembrandt Face to Face (Indianapolis: Indianapolis Museum of Art, 2006) and Dickey, “Strategies of Self-Portraiture from Hans von Aachen to Rembrandt,” in Hans von Aachen in Context: Proceedings of the International Conference Prague 22–25 September 2010, ed. Lubomír Konecny and Stepán Vácha (Prague: Artefactum, 2012), 72–81. Rembrandt’s painting of ca. 1635 depicting the artist with his wife Saskia in a tavern, usually interpreted as a reference to the prodigal son, is in the Gemäldegalerie, Dresden.

  20. 20. See Daniel Ternois and Paulette Choné, Jacques Callot, 1592–1653, exh. cat. (Nancy: Musée historique Lorrain / Paris: Editions de la réunion des musées nationaux, 1992), 276–81; Sue Welsh Reed et al., French Prints from the Age of the Musketeers, exh cat. (Boston: Museum of Fine Arts, 1998), 66–67, cats. 18–20. In discussing this title page, Gary Schwartz makes the intriguing observation that “beggar” also had political connotations in the Dutch Republic, where William of Orange and his “sea beggars” had been responsible for initiating the revolt from Spain. http://www.garyschwartzarthistorian.nl/schwartzlist/?id=58 (accessed May 22, 2013)

  21. 21. Baldwin, “‘On earth,’” 122–24, 132; see also Stratton, “Rembrandt’s Beggars.” http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00233608508604082

  22. 22. Dürer’s self-identification with Christ is explored by Joseph Leo Koerner, The Moment of Self-Portraiture in German Renaissance Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 17–21, 63–79, and passim. The frontispiece to the Small Passion also depicts a seated, suffering Christ, and the etching Christ as the Man of Sorrows, 1515, might have caught Rembrandt’s interest for its sketchy technique. By 1656, Rembrandt owned a variety of prints by Dürer; see Bob van den Boogert et al., Rembrandt’s Treasures (Amsterdam: Museum het Rembrandthuis / Zwolle: Waanders, 1999).

  23. 23. See, inter alia, Eddy de Jongh, “Over ambachstman en kunstenaar: De status van de schilder in de 16de en 17de eeuw,” in Het beeld van de kunstenaar in de Renaissance, ed. Bernhard F. Scholz and Arie-Jan Gelderblom (Utrecht: Rijksuniversiteit Utrecht, 1983), 29–58; and Michael Cole and Mary Pardo, eds., Inventions of the Studio, Renaissance to Romanticism (Chapel Hill, N.C.: University of North Carolina Press, 2005). Rembrandt’s Artist in the Studio of ca. 1629 (Museum of Fine Arts, Boston; Bruyn et al., Corpus, 1:208–13, cat. A18) reflects his early interest in allegories of artistic practice.

  24. 24. See Martin Royalton-Kisch, Drawings by Rembrandt and His Circle in the British Museum (London: British Museum, 1992), 45–46, cat. 8a; Stephanie S. Dickey, “Van Dyck in Holland: The Iconography and Its Impact on Rembrandt and Lievens,” in Van Dyck 1599–1999: Conjectures and Refutations, ed. Hans Vlieghe (Turnhout: Brepols, 2001), 289–304.

  25. 25. Marieke de Winkel in Bruyn et al., Corpus, 4:55–57, describes the loose smocks worn by many seventeenth-century painters as resembling (or possibly identical with) the tabbaard, a long robe typically worn by men at home.

  26. 26. A curiously relevant contribution is a painting by Michael Sweerts (1618–1664) depicting a draftsman seated outdoors and sketching the likeness of an elderly beggar while a crowd looks on, auctioned Sotheby’s, London, March 27, 1963, and July 8, 2009 (bought in); Jan Emmens, Rembrandt en de regels van de kunst (Amsterdam: G. A. van Oorschot, 1979), 153, fig. 8.

  27. 27. Chapman, Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits, 32–33.

  28. 28. Constantijn Huygens, Koren-Bloemen (The Hague, 1658), 644.

  29. 29. Adam Elsheimer, The Artist Despairing of His Poverty, ca. 1603–05, pen and brown ink, Staatliche Graphische Sammlung, Munich. Michael Semff, ed., Dürer to de Kooning: 100 Master Drawings from Munich, exh. cat. (New York: The Morgan Library and Museum, 2012), 98–99, cat. 38 (with references to other treatments of the theme). While it cannot be proven that Rembrandt knew this drawing, his teacher Pieter Lastman (1583–1633) must have introduced him to Elsheimer’s work, as reflected in early paintings such as The Stoning of Saint Stephen (Bruyn et al., Corpus, 1:208–13, cat. A1).

  30. 30. For the prints after Both and the theme of the poor artist, see Eddy de Jongh and Ger Luijten, Mirror of Everyday Life: Genre Prints in the Netherlands, 1550–1700, exh. cat. (Amsterdam: Rijksprentenkabinet / Ghent: Snoeck-Ducaju & Son, 1997), 247–53, cat. 49. They also mention (252n6) the related contrast between the ideals of pictor doctus, or learned painter, and pictor vulgaris, the latter term associated with Rembrandt by Jan Emmens, Regels, 57–66, 200–209.

  31. 31. Inemie Gerards-Nelissen, “Federico Zuccaro and the Lament of Painting,” Simiolus 13, no. 1 (1983): 44–53; Philip Sohm in Painting for MoneyThe Economic Lives of Seventeenth-century Italian Painters, ed. Richard E. Spear and Philip Sohm (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 2010), 206–07. Painting for Money presents an insightful study of the market pressures faced by artists in Italy.

  32. 32. This painting was connected with the loss of Medici patronage that precipitated Rosa’s departure from Florence in 1649 by Jonathan Scott, Salvator Rosa: His Life and Times (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1995), 43–44; and with his distaste for the Bamboccianti and the rapid growth of the market for cheap paintings in Rome by Richard Spear in Painting for Money, 42. See also Michael Mahoney, The Drawings of Salvator Rosa (New York: Garland, 1977), 1:291, cat. 24.5; Herwig Guratzsch, ed., Salvator Rosa, Genie der Zeichnung: Studien und Skizzen aus Leipzig und Haarlem, exh. cat. (Leipzig: Museum der Bildenden Künste / Cologne: Wienand, 1999), 106, under cat. 26.

  33. 33. See Wendy Wassyng Roworth, “A Date for Salvator Rosa’s Satire on Painting and the Bamboccianti in Rome,” Art Bulletin 63, no. 4 (1981): 611–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3050166

  34. 34. Wendy Wassyng Roworth, “Poor Painting and the Fortunes of Salvator Rosa,” in Salvator Rosa (1615–1673) e il suo tempo, ed. Sybille Ebert-Schifferer, Helen Langdon, and Caterina Volpi (Rome: Biblioteca Herziana, 2009), 125–39. Roworth relates the Windsor drawing to a sketch (Bonna collection, Geneva) in which Poor Painting swats away flies from unsold paintings that lie like decaying fruit in the artist’s studio. Rosa based an undated painting, The Raising of Lazarus (Matthiesen Gallery, London), on the prints of this subject etched by Rembrandt and Lievens in 1631 (Wheelock, Lievens, 142-43, 204-5, cats. 31 and 73). See Silvia Cassani, ed., Salvator Rosa tra mito e magia, exh cat. (Naples: Museo Capodimonte, 2008), 218-9, cat. 71; and www.matthiesengallery.com/info.asp?Id_painting=354 (accessed May 13, 2013).

  35. 35. Van Hoogstraten listed love (of art) above honor and profit as artistic motivations. See Thijs Weststeijn, The Visible World: Samuel van Hoogstraten’s Art Theory and the Legitimation of Painting in the Dutch Golden Age (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2008), 91–95.

  36. 36. See Eric Jan Sluijter, De lof der schilderkunst: Over schilderijen van Gerrit Dou (1613–1671) en een traktaat van Philips Angels uit 1642 (Hilversum: Verloren, 1992). Comparable issues in the Italian art market are explored in Spear and Sohm, Painting for Money.

  37. 37. “Een vroom gemoet acht eer voor goet.” Burchard Grossmann visited Amsterdam in June 1634. His album was inscribed by Hendrick Uylenburgh (1584 or 1589–ca. 1660) as well as Rembrandt. Strauss et al., Rembrandt Documents, doc. 1634/6.

  38. 38. The tone of the letters escalates from polite in 1636 to pleading in 1639, when, having just purchased his house on the Breestraat, Rembrandt is compelled to write to Huygens, “May I ask you, dear Sir, that the money which His Highness allows me . . . be paid here as soon as possible, because I could really use it right now.” See Strauss et al., Rembrandt Documents, 129–34, 160–75, esp. 167, doc. 1639/4; and Crenshaw, Rembrandt’s Bankruptcy. Crenshaw’s essay in this volume on Rembrandt’s Satire on Art Criticism, a drawing of 1644 (Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York), suggests that its origins may lie in the same context as Beggar Seated on a Bank. Further attention should also be paid to the continuing presence of Lievens as friend and competitor in Rembrandt’s life: in 1644, he returned from Antwerp to settle in Amsterdam; see Dickey, Rembrandt: Portraits in Print, 132-5, and Dickey, “Jan Lievens in Rembrandt’s House,” Kroniek van het Rembrandthuis (2008 [2009]): 36–53.

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DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2013.5.2.8
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Stephanie Dickey, "Begging for Attention: The Artful Context of Rembrandt’s Etching Beggar Seated on a Bank," Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 5:2 (Summer 2013) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2013.5.2.8