The Turin-Milan Hours: Revised Dating and Attribution

Hand G,  Birth of Saint John the Baptist, detail of fol. , ca. 1445–52, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin

Identifying Jan van Eyck as Hand G of the Turin-Milan Hours depends substantially on the identification of Duke John of Bavaria as sometime owner of the manuscript. Although the Turin-Milan Hours contains the arms of Hainaut, Holland, and Bavaria, the duke had legal claim only to parts of Holland. Neither the Estates of Hainaut nor Countess Jacqueline of Bavaria, heiress of John’s brother, recognized his sovereignty in Hainaut. The arms on fol. 93v are likely those of the still-unknown owner. The manuscript was probably finished in one campaign circa 1450 in Bruges, not in the several campaigns of work that scholars have usually proposed. Jan van Eyck was therefore not among the illuminators.

DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2014.6.2.1

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Eleanor Miller, Peter Seiler, and Henning and Dietlind Bock for the gift of books;  Emile Ramakers and Jacques van Rentsch for information;  Roger Wieck, Inge Dupont, and Sylvie Merian at the Pierpont Morgan Library; and to Katrien Smeyers and Jan Rogiers at the Central Library, Katholieke Universiteit-Leuven.  Special thanks must go to Dott.ssa Simonetta Castronovo at the Museo Civico, Turin, for facilitating my inspection of the surviving Milan portion of the manuscript and to Mark Trowbridge for exceptionally helpful editorial work.

Carol Herselle Krinsky is Professor of Art History at the College of Arts and Science, New York University, where she has taught Northern Renaissance art and other subjects since 1965. She has published five books on architectural history and is a past President of the Society of Architectural Historians. In 2004, she received the annual teaching award from the College Art Association and, in 2008, a college-wide teaching award from NYU.

Master of the Parement de Narbonne,  Annunciation, p. 2, from the Très Belles Heure,  c. 1390-1410,  Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris
Fig. 1 Master of the Parement de Narbonne, Annunciation, p. 2, from the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, c. 1390-1410. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, n.a. lat. 3093. (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Cavalcade on the Seashore, detail of fol. 59v, f,  ca. 1445–52,  Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Formerly Turin
Fig. 2 Hand G, Cavalcade on the Seashore, detail of fol. 59v, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Ms. K. IV. 29 (destroyed; artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Birth of Saint John the Baptist, detail of fol. ,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 3 Hand G, Birth of Saint John the Baptist, detail of fol. 93v, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Mass for the Dead, fol. 116, from the Turin-Mil,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 4 Hand G, Mass for the Dead, fol. 116, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Mass for the Dead, detail of fig. 4, fol. 116, f,  ca. 1445–52,
Fig. 5 Hand G, detail of fig. 4, Mass for the Dead, fol. 116, from the Turin-Milan Hours (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Group K,  November Calendar Page, fol. 11, from the Turin,  ca. 1445–52,  Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Formerly Turin
Fig. 6 Group K, November Calendar Page, fol. 11, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Ms K. IV. 29 (destroyed; artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
John the Baptist Group,  Annunciation, fol. 1v, from the Turin-Milan Hou,  ca. 1420,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 7 John the Baptist Group, Annunciation, fol. 1v, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1420. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Atrributed to Petrus Christus,  God Enthroned, fol. 14, from the Turin-Milan Ho,  ca. 1445–52,  Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Formerly Turin
Fig. 8 Atrributed to Petrus Christus, God Enthroned, fol. 14, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Ms. K. IV. 29 (destroyed; artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
John the Baptist Group, Adoration of the Christ Child, fol. 4, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1420. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain)
Fig. 9 John the Baptist Group, Adoration of the Christ Child, fol. 4, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1420. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Group K,  Young Man Praying to Christ, detail of fol.124, f,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 10 Group K, Young Man Praying to Christ, detail of fol.124, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Birth of the Baptist, detail of fig. 3, fol. 93v,
Fig. 11 Hand G, detail of fig. 3, Birth of the Baptist, fol. 93v, from the Turin-Milan Hours (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Arrest of Christ, fol. 24, from the Turin-Milan,  ca. 1445–52,  Biblioteca nazionale e universitaria, Formerly Turin
Fig. 17 Hand G, Arrest of Christ, fol. 24, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Formerly Turin, Biblioteca nazionale e universitaria, Ms K. IV. 29 (destroyed; artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Rogier van der Weyden,  Birth of St. John the Baptist, from Altarpiece ,  c.1455,  Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie, Berlin
Fig. 13 Fig. 13 Rogier van der Weyden, Birth of St. John the Baptist, from Altarpiece of St. John the Baptist. c.1455. Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie [side-by-side viewer]
Rogier van der Weyden, Altarpiece of the Seven Sacraments,  center panel,  c.1446,  Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp
Fig. 14 Rogier van der Weyden,  center panel, from Altarpiece of the Seven Sacraments, c.1446. Antwerp, Museum voor Schone Kunsten. [side-by-side viewer]
Unknown,  St. Augustine Receives His Doctrine, and Clovis ,  c.1445,  Bibliothèque Royale Albert I, Brussels
Fig. 15 St. Augustine Receives His Doctrine, and Clovis Receives Arms and Holy Oil from Heaven, detail of fol. 1, from St.Augustine, Cité de Dieu, c.1445. Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Albert I, ms. 9015-9016 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Bas-de-page of Virgin among Virgins, fol. 59 fro,  ca. 1445–52,  Biblioteca nazionale e universitaria, Formerly Turin
Fig. 16 Fig. 16 Hand G, Bas-de-page of Virgin among Virgins, fol. 59 from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Formerly Turin, Biblioteca nazionale e universitaria, Ms K. IV. 29 (destroyed; artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Finding of the True Cross, fol. 118, from the T,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 18 Hand G, Finding of the True Cross, fol. 118, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Holy Ghost Master and John the Baptist Group,  Baptism of Christ, p. 162, from the Très Belle,  c. 1390-1410,  Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris
Fig. 19 Holy Ghost Master and John the Baptist Group, Baptism of Christ, p. 162, from the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, c. 1390-1410. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, n.a. lat. 3093 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Master of the Parement de Narbonne,  Holy Trinity, from the Très Belles Heures de N,  c. 1390-1410,  Louvre, Paris
Fig. 20 Master of the Parement de Narbonne, Holy Trinity, from the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, c. 1390-1410. Paris, Louvre, RF 2025 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand H,  Agony in the Garden, fol. 30v, from the Turin-M,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 21 Hand H, Agony in the Garden, fol. 30v, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
John the Baptist Group and others,  Resurrection of Christ, fol. f.77v from the Tu,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 22 John the Baptist Group and others, Resurrection of Christ, fol. f.77v from the Tuin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
  1. 1. Essential sources antedating 1992 are listed and summarized in Albert Châtelet, Jean van Eyck, enlumineur: Les Heures de Turin et de Turin-Milan, 2nd ed. (Strasbourg: Presses Universitaires de Strasbourg, 1993). Later important publications include: Anne H. van Buren, James H. Marrow, and Silvana Pettenati, Heures de Turin-Milan, Inv. No. 47, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Torino (Lucerne: Faksimile Verlag, 1996); Eberhard König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, Duc de Berry (Munich: Hirmer, 1998); Susan Frances Jones, “The Workshop and Followers of Jan van Eyck” (Ph.D. dissertation, Courtauld Institute, London, 1998), 20–25; James Marrow, “History, Historiography, and Pictorial Invention in the Turin-Milan Hours,” in In Detail: New Studies of Northern Renaissance Art in Honor of Walter S. Gibson, ed. Laurinda Dixon (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), 14; Catherine Reynolds, “The King of Painters,” in Investigating Jan van Eyck, ed. Susan Foister, Sue Jones, and Delphine Cool (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 7–10; Stephan Kemperdick and Frits Lammertse, eds., The Road to Van Eyck(Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans van Beuningen, 2013), 16–19, 98–102, 294–99; and Hugo van der Velden,  Jan van Eyck in Holland (Zwolle: W Books, forthcoming) .
    Albert Châtelet, “Les miniatures de Jan van Eyck revisitées,” Art de l’enluminure 15 (2005–6): 36–66, reconstructed some of the lost color in the Arrest of Christ, the Prayer on the Shore (also called Cavalcade on the Seashore), and the Saint Julian miniatures; for an alternative color reconstruction of the Arrest of Christ, see Eberhard König, “Zur Farbigkeit der verbrannten Gefangennahme im Turiner Gebetbuch,” in Quand la peinture était dans les livres: Mélanges en l’honneur de François Avril, ed. Caroline Zöhl, Eberhard König, Mara Hofmann (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 110–27 (with his brief summary of attributions and references to his published opinions).

  2. 2. Châtelet, Jean van Eyck, enlumineur, 16–17, suggested that they were intended as a pair of books because some pictures in the two parts were made simultaneously. Maurits Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek: Een bijdrage tot de van Eyck-studie met een eerste synthetisch beeld van de kunst en de weeldetechniken an het hof der hertogen van Beieren” (PhD diss., Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, 1970), 170–71, observed that the Milan pages are slightly larger, having been cut less.

  3. 3. Paul Durrieu, Heures de Turin (Paris: P. Renouard, 1902). Suzanne Sulzberger, “Pinturicchio et les van Eyck,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6 ser., 40 (1952): 266, proposed that the Turin portion reached the house of Savoy through Margaret of Burgundy (died 1441), wife of William VI of Bavaria-Straubing-Wittelsbach; his arms appear on Turin fol. 59v and on Milan fol. 116. She could have willed the Turin portion to her brother-in-law, Amadeus of Savoy, but would have more likely given it to him as a gift before her sister died in 1422. Moreover, all scholars now believe that at least the Hand K atelier painted images after Margaret’s death.

  4. 4. For missing images, see Châtelet, “Les miniatures de Jan van Eyck revisitées,” 40

  5. 5. The part formerly in Milan and now in Turin is referred to as the Milan portion) and the part in Turin (destroyed in 1904) as the Turin portion.

  6. 6. The miniatures (in order of their placement): Turin portion—the Arrest of Christ (fol. 24), Saint Julian in a Boat (fol. 55v), the Virgin among Virgins (fol. 59), and Cavalcade on the Seashore (fol. 59v); Milan portion—The Birth of Saint John the Baptist (fol. 93v), Mass of the Dead (fol. 116), and The Finding of the True Cross (fol. 118). The attribution of Turin fol. 59 and Milan fol. 118 to Hand G is often disputed.

    The best reproductions of the extant portions of the manuscript have been published by Faksimile Verlag (see note 1). The most accessible are found in König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France. For other helpful enlargements, see Châtelet “Les miniatures de Jan van Eyck revisitées.”

  7. 7. Among the scholars who deny Jan van Eyck’s participation in the manuscript on grounds that supplement those given in the present essay are: Frédéric Lyna, “Les Van Eyck et les Heures de Turin et de Milan,” Bulletin des Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts 4 (1955): 7–20; Lyna, “Élisabeth de Görlitz et les ‘Heures de Turin et de Milan,’” Scriptorium 15 (1961): 121–25; and Lyna, “L’oeuvre présumée de Jean van Eyck et son influence sur la miniature flamande,”Scriptorium 16 (1962): 92–93. See also James H. Marrow, “The Turin-Milan Hours: Problems of Related Manuscripts and Patronage” (MA thesis, Columbia University, 1966); Marrow, “Pictorial Reversals in the Turin-Milan Hours,” Scriptorium 20 (1966): 67–69 (Marrow later equivocated in “History, Historiography” [see note 1]); Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek”; Smeyers, “Answering Some Questions about the Turin-Milan Hours,” in Le dessin sous-jacent dans la peinture: Colloque VII, 17–19 septembre 1987; Géographie et chronologie du dessin sous-jacent, ed. Rogier van Schoute and Hélène Verougstraete-Marcq (Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Érasme, 1989), 55–70; Smeyers, “A Mid-Fifteenth-Century Book of Hours from Bruges in the Walters Art Gallery (MS 721) and Its Relation to the Turin-Milan Hours,” Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 46 (1988): 55–76; and Smeyers and Bert Cardon, “Utrecht and Bruges—South and North ‘Boundless’ Relations in the l5th Century,” in Masters and Miniatures: Proceedings of the Congress on Medieval Manuscript Illumination in the Northern Netherlands (Utrecht, 10-13 December 1989), ed. Koert van der Horst and Johann-Christian Klamt (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1991), 89–104. For a summary of previous opinions, see Dominique Deneffe, “La miniature eyckienne,” in Miniatures flamandes 1404–1482, ed. Bernard Bousmanne and Thierry Delcourt (Paris and Brussels: Bibliothèque nationale and Bibliothèque royale, 2011), 166–71.

  8. 8. For the debates on dating, see Eberhard König, Die Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame des Herzogs Jean von Berry, Paris, BN lat. 6093 (Lucerne: Faksimile Verlag, 1992), 156–57, 167–69; König, “Die Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame: Eine datierte Handschrift aus der Zeit nach 1404,” in Flanders in a European Perspective: Manuscript Illumination around 1400 in Flanders and Abroad; Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Leuven 7–10 September 1993, ed. Maurits Smeyers and Bert Cardon (Louvain: Peeters, 1995), 41–57, esp. 41–43; Buren, Marrow, and Pettenati, Heures de Turin-Milan, 298–353; and Millard Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry: The Late Fourteenth Century and the Patronage of the Duke (London: Phaidon, 1967), 107–12, 337–38.

  9. 9. Jules Guiffrey, Inventaires de Jean duc de Berry (1410–1416) (Paris: E. Leroux, 1894), 1:243, no. 931.

  10. 10. For the woman’s identity, image, and arms, see Châtelet,Jean van Eyck, enlumineur, 14–15. She has also been called Robinet d’Estampes’s granddaughter.

  11. 11. Concerning the dispersal of the duke’s goods, see Catherine Reynolds, “The ‘Très Riches Heures,’ the Bedford Workshop and Barthélemy d’Eyck,” Burlington Magazine 147, no. 1229 (2005): 525–26.

  12. 12. Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek,” 20–26, 988–89, countered evidence that Robinet d’Estampes owned it.

  13. 13. Millard Meiss, with Sharon Off, “The Bookkeeping of Robinet d’Estampes and the Chronology of Jean de Berry’s Manuscripts,” Art Bulletin 53 (1971): 229. Despite the scholarly consensus, the ducal inventory may refer to another book. The manuscript under consideration here could have been unlisted because parts of it were still unpainted.
    http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3048832

  14. 14. Reynolds, “The ‘Très Riches Heures,’” 526–33.

  15. 15. Georges Hulin [de Loo], Heures de Milan (Brussels and Paris: G. Van Oest, 1911).

  16. 16. I present evidence that the Birth of Saint John the Baptist is derived from Rogier van der Weyden’s panel The Birth and Naming of the Baptist in Berlin of circa 1450, among other sources, in a forthcoming article, “Why Hand G of the Turin-Milan Hours Was Not Jan van Eyck,” Artibus et Historiae 35 (scheduled for 2014)..

  17. 17. Every author cited here discusses fols. 59v and 93v. The subject of the former, often calledThe Prayer on the Shore, remains unexplained. Rudolf Preimesberger, “Geburt der Stimme und Schweigen des Gesetzes: Beobachtungen an der Johannes-Seite des Turin-Mailänder Stundenbuch,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 57 (1994): 307–18, offered a theological interpretation of nearly every detail in The Birth of Saint John the Baptist.
    http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482759

  18. 18. For a list of court personnel and other varlets (valets) de chambre, see Monique Sommé,Isabelle de Portugal, Duchesse de Bourgogne, Une femme au pouvoir au XVe siècle (Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses Universitaires du Septentrion, 1998), 229, 243. See also Werner Paravicini, Die Hofordnungen Herzog Philipps des Guten von Burgund (Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke, 1986); Werner Paravicini and Holger Kruse, Die Hofordnungen der Herzöge von Burgund (Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke, 2005); and Sophie Cassagnes-Brouquet, D’art et d’argent: Les artistes et leurs clients dans l’Europe du nord XIVe et XVe siècles (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2001), 165–76.

  19. 19. As Count of Holland William was also William IV.

  20. 20. Margaret of Burgundy, Albert’s daughter-in-law and the Duke of Berry’s niece, might have become the intended recipient after Albert died. But Margaret’s brother, Jean sans Peur, masterminded the assassination of Louis d’Orléans, heir to the French throne and brother to the Duke of Berry, in 1407, and it seems unlikely that the latter would have given a luxurious present to this murderous branch of the family.

  21. 21. The arms of Charolais presumably relate to Charles the Bold, born in 1433, who was Count of Charolais before he became Duke of Burgundy.

  22. 22. Smeyers, “Answering Some Questions,” 50.

  23. 23. Grotefend, Zeitrechnung, vol. 2. The calendar for March and April lists bishops venerated in the Hainaut diocese of Mons. Other saints listed who were not in the usual calendars for Mons include Maximian in January, Blaise and Denis in February, Felix and Eusebius in March, Pancras and Calixtus in April, Athanasius, John at Porta Latina, and Latinus in May. Anne van Buren in Heures de Turin-Milan, ed. Buren, Marrow, and Pettenati, 351 n. 8, pointed out that about 71 percent of the saints correspond to the calendar for Mons printed in 1500, and about 69 percent correspond to the Hours written for the convent of St. Gertrude in Nivelles (Brussels, Bib. Roy. Albert I, Ms IV, 1113). For the relationship between the calendar and Mons, see E. Misset and W. H. J. Weale, Analecta liturgica(Lille and Bruges: St. Augustin, 1889), 1:347–54.

  24. 24. For the absence of Waudru in the Turin calendar, see Hulin, Heures de Milan, 9–10; the absence of Saint Willibrord makes affiliation with Utrecht unlikely. Hulin, Heures de Milan, 4, proposed that the saints in the calendar now in Paris probably suited Hainaut use. Margriet Hülsmann, “Een Noordhollandse heiligenkalender: Een onderzoek naar vijftiende-eeuwse kalenderteksten in relatie tot de boekverluchting,” in Annus Quadriga Mundi: Opstellen over middeleeuwse Kunst, opgedragen aan Prof. Dr. Anna O. Esmeyer, ed. J. B. Bedaux (Zutphen: Walburg, 1989), 99–115, comparing the Turin calendar to that of Nijmegen, confirmed that a manuscript could be written and illuminated in different places. For lists of saints venerated in various dioceses, at least from the early sixteenth century, see Hermann Grotefend,Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzeit (Hannover: Hahn, 1891; repr., Aalen: Scientia, 1970), vol. 2. 

  25. 25. Buren, Marrow, and Pettenati, Heures de Turin-Milan, 343.

  26. 26. König, Les Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 87.

  27. 27. See, for instance, Anne H. van Buren, “Problems and Possibilities of the Reflectography of Manuscripts: The Case of the Turin-Milan Hours,” in Le dessin sous-jacent et la technologie dans la peinture: perspectives, colloque 11, 1995, ed. Roger van Schoute and Hélène Verougstraete (Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Érasme, 1997), 19–28.

  28. 28. Margaret, sister of the childless Count William IV (died 1346), had been recognized by the Holy Roman Empire as her brother’s legal heir, but the circumstances differed because Margaret’s husband, Louis of Bavaria, who was Holy Roman Emperor at the time, had his own interests in mind when promoting her claim. See Ruth Putnam, A Mediaeval Princess (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904), 2.

  29. 29. See Léopold Devillers, Cartulaire des comtes de Hainaut de l’avènement de Guillaume II à la mort de Jacqueline de Bavière, 1337–1436 (Brussels: Commission Royale d’Histoire, 1881–96), 4:109. For an excellent summary of Jacqueline’s story, see Michèle Populer, “Les entrées inaugurales des princes dans les villes: Usage et signification; L’exemple des trois comtés de Hainaut, Hollande, et Zéelande entre 1417 et 1433,” Revue du Nord 6, no. 304 (1994): 25–52, esp. 36–44 (with important bibliographical citations).

  30. 30. Edmund de Dynter, Chronica nobilissimorum ducum Lotharingiae et Brabantiae ac regum Francorum (Brussels: Hayez, 1854), vol. 6, chapter 147. De Dynter (1375–1448) was employed at the court of John of Brabant.

  31. 31. Putnam, Mediaeval Princess, 45

  32. 32. Désiré Denuit, Jacqueline de Bavière, princesse infortunée(Brussels: Dessart, n.d. [ca. 1947]): 73.

  33. 33. Devillers, Cartulaire, 4:xvii, 158; De Dynter, Chronica, vol. 6, chapter 157; Populer, “Les entrées inaugurales,” 36–44.

  34. 34. Enguerran[d] de Monstrelet,The Chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, trans. Thomas Johnes (London: William Smith, 1840), 2:205 (chap. 77). The chronicler (ca. 1400–1453), resident in Cambrai, was a Burgundian partisan. Philip the Good favored parties opposed to Jacqueline.

  35. 35. The Treaty of Woudrichem on February 13, 1419, allowed John of Bavaria to keep Dordrecht and some areas of Holland in fee simple. John of Brabant would pay 100,000 units (rosenobel) of English currency if John of Bavaria surrendered his claims to Jacqueline’s lands. But when John of Brabant paid only about 15 percent of the sum, John of Bavaria, on April 21, 1420, demanded rule over Holland for twelve years as sole regent; a secret clause removed the need for Jacqueline’s agreement. John of Bavaria’s demands were not met, however. See Frans van Mieris, Groot charterboek der graven van Holland-Zeeland en heren van Vriesland (Leiden: P. vander Eyk, 1753–1756), 4:521.

  36. 36. For Jacqueline’s regrets about her marriage and support from the Estates of Hainaut, see Franz von Löher,Jakobää von Bayern und ihre Zeit, 2nd ed. (Nördlingen: Beck, 1869), 2:72–73; for her decision to declare her marriage invalid and request support from the Estates of Hainaut, followed by her decision to go to England (2:100–102). For her regrets and flight to England, see Monstrelet, Chronicles, 2:307–8 (chap. 119) and 2:428–30 for political relations (chap. 174).

  37. 37. Kenneth Hotham Vickers, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester: A Biography (London: Constable, 1907), 126–29; for limits to Humphrey’s authority and Jacqueline’s rule, 140–46

  38. 38. For her marriage to Humphrey and political machinations ending with Pope Martin’s final word on her marital status, see Löher, Jakobää von Bayern, 2:137–44; see also A. Delepierre, Anselm M. M. G. Decoutray, and Augustin F. Lacroix, Particularités curieux sur Jacqueline de Bavière, comtesse de Hainaut, Société des Bibliophiles de Mons 7 (Mons: Emile Hoyois, 1838), xvii. More recently Hanno Wijsman has doubted the date of 1422 but Jacqueline certainly was Humphrey’s wife in 1424; see Wijsman, Luxury Bound: Illustrated Manuscript Production and Noble and Princely Book Ownership in the Burgundian Netherlands (1400–1550) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010), 288–311.

  39. 39. Monstrelet, Chronicles, 2:295 (chap. 113) and 427 (chap. 173). Other citations of “Mesdames les ducesses” refer to Jacqueline and her mother, Margaret. See Archives Générales du Royaume, CC Reg. 14656 fol. 44, which is cited in the secondary literature: Georges Gysels, “Le départ de Jacqueline de Bavière de la cour de Brabant (11 avril 1420),”Miscellanea historica in honorem Leonis van der Essen: Universitas Catholicae in oppido Lovaniensi iam annos XXV professoris (Brussels and Paris: Éditions universitaires, 1947), 1:420–21, n. 34.

  40. 40. Populer, “Les entrées inaugurals,” 36–37. “Sone” did not mean ruler.

  41. 41. Löher, Jakobää von Bayern und ihre Zeit, 1:471–72, n. 13. That John of Bavaria was not count of Hainaut was noted earlier by L. M. J. Delaissé, “The Miniatures Added in the Low Countries to the Turin-Milan Hours and Their Political Significance,” in Kunstgeschichtliche Forschungen: Otto Pächt zu seinem 70 Geburtstag, ed. Artur Rosenauer and Gerold Weber (Salzburg: Residenz, 1972), 145 (although Delaissé did not explain the situation in detail).

  42. 42. Delaissé, “Miniatures Added,” 145–46.

  43. 43. Lyna, “Élisabeth de Görlitz,” 123–24. The passage of this manuscript back and forth between Elisabeth and Van Borsselen would allow for a campaign sponsored by Elisabeth using Hand G for five miniatures, another by Van Borsselen almost finishing the manuscript in a late style, and a recapturing of the manuscript by Elisabeth once in Trier, where she would have had another (German) artist honor her by including her among her imperial relatives in the Finding of the True Cross miniature and depicting her in the Virgin among Virgins image (although neither Elisabeth nor Saint Elizabeth were virgins).

    Van Borsselen lived at The Hague where Elisabeth visited him. Some scholars have proposed that the Cavalcade on the Seashore miniature is related to a large-scale painting in the palace there, perhaps one by Jan van Eyck showing William VI or John; no painting of this type is recorded. Albert Châtelet, “L’ensignement paternel dans les Heures de Milan-Turin,” in Tributes in Honor of James H. Marrow: Studies in Painting and Manuscript Illumination of the Later Middle Ages and Northern Renaissance, ed. Jeffrey F. Hamburger and Anne S. Korteweg (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 150, abandoned his earlier idea that Elisabeth obtained the manuscript from John of Bavaria and that the last patron was Rudolf von Virneburg. To all these hypotheses, one may reply that if John did not own the manuscript, Elisabeth did not inherit it from him. For Elisabeth’s biography, see Walter Kaemmerer, “Elisabeth von Görlitz,”Neue Deutsche Biographie (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1959), 4:445; and Émile Varenbergh, Biographie Nationale (Brussels: Bruylant et Christophe, Académie Royale des sciences, des lettres, et des beaux-arts, 1878), vol. 6, cols. 548–52.

  44. 44. Delaissé,“Miniatures Added,”passim.

  45. 45. On Van Borsselen’s inventory, in which no paintings, manuscripts, or books are listed, see A. A. Arkenbout, “Das tägliche Leben des Frank van Borsselen (d. 1470),” in Adelige Sachkultur des SpätmittelaltersInternationaler Kongress, Krems an der Donau, 22. bis 25. September 1980,Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-historischen Klasse 400, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit 5 (Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1982): 311–26; and Arkenbout, “Frank van Borsselen als opdrachtgever van de Haagse goud-en zilversmeden Heynric en Anthonis van Groesbeke,” Oud Holland 83 (l968): 143–56 (but not all the vessels seen in the Birth of the Saint John the Baptist on Milan fol. 93v are listed). For his commissioning of stained glass, see H. Janse, “Een Nederlands gebrandschilderd glas in de Heilig Bloedkerk te Wilsnack (D),” Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond Bulletin 91 (1992): 21–26.

  46. 46. Hulin, Heures de Milan, p.II.

  47. 47. My initial researches into the Gronsveld family history were generously assisted by the archivist Jacques van Rentsch at the Regionaal Historisch Centrum Limburg in Maastricht. Other sources are: Mathias Joseph Wolters, Recherches sur l’ancien comté de Gronsveld et sur les anciennes seigneuries d’Elsloo et de Randenraedt (Ghent: Ghyselynck, 1854); Christian Quix, Schloss und ehemalige Herrschaft Rimburg, die Besitzer derselben, vorzuglich die Grafen und Freiherren von Gronsveld (Aachen: Mayer, 1835). The Duchy of Limbourg was governed by Burgundy starting in 1430 but was at various times subject to Brabant and to the Holy Roman Empire. My reference to a woman who had a young adult son has to do with thecustomary destre/senestre positions of the recognizable heraldry.

  48. 48. See Théodore de Renesse, Dictionnaire des figures héraldiques (Gouda: Van Goor Sons, 1884–87 and later editions) and (Brussels: O. Schepens, 1894–1903 and later editions). These arms are on a plaque of unknown origin in the Jeruzalemkerk, Bruges.

  49. 49. See, for example, Workshop of Robert Campin, Merode Altarpiece (New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Cloisters Collections) and Master of Girart de Roussillon, the presentation page of The Roman of Girart de Roussillon (Vienna, Österreiches Nationalbibliothek, Ms. 2549, fol. 6).

  50. 50. Marrow, “The Turin-Milan Hours,” 54.

  51. 51. Jane Hayward, “Painted Windows,” Metropolitan Museum Bulletin 30, no. 3 (Dec. 1971–Jan. 1972): 100, noted that “A panel bearing a person’s coat of arms set into a window of his house or the town hall attested to his social or political prominence.” Louise Rice provided this quote from Shakespeare’s Richard II (III, 1, 16–17) as Bolingbroke bemoans his exile: ‘From my own windows torn my household coat.’”

  52. 52. Châtelet, Jean van Eyck, enlumineur, 89–93, appendix; König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 86. See also Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek,” 127–51.

  53. 53. Hulin, Heures de Milan, 27, for instance, grouped G, H, I, and J as collaborating. Albert Châtelet agreed, in “L’atelier eyckien des Heures de Turin-Milan,” in Studi e ricerche in memoria di Luigi Mallé, ed. Luciano Tamburini et al. (Turin: Associazione Amici dei Musei Civici di Torino, 1987), 78. Joel Upton, Petrus Christus: His Place in Fifteenth-Century Flemish Painting(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990), 207–8, advised that if “material evidence or the program of illustration” do not fit a division into separate groups, it is wise not to create separate groups or campaigns. L. M. J. Delaissé, “Miniatures Added,” dated the last campaign of work as late as ca. 1445.

  54. 54. See especially Buren, Marrow, and Pettenati, Heures de Turin-Milan, 330–33; and König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, passim. For the Llangattock Master, see Rosy Schilling, “Das Llangattock Stundenbuch,” Wallraf-Richartz Jahrbuch 23 (1961): 211–34 Willem Vrelant, who was probably in Bruges by 1454, according to Smeyers and Cardon, “Utrecht and Bruges,” 102, also participated in the illumination of the Llangattock Hours (J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms Ludwig IX, 7).

  55. 55. Pages often attributed entirely to the K artists: Turin fols. 27v, 30v, 33, 42, 43, 44, 46v, 47v, RF 2023, fols. 49v, 73v, 75v; Milan fols. 7, 38v, 97, 113, 124. Pages with one of the three parts by the K artists: Turin fols. 34v, 36, 71v; Milan fols. 109v, 111, and perhaps 122. Not all scholars attribute the bas-de-page of fol. 59v to Hand G. Its projection of landscape space that extends horizontally into the far distance is too advanced for any artist in the 1420s and is unlike the spatial projection in the bas-de-page of fol. 93v which rises more noticeably on the page, is full of incident, and ends in the mountains seen in several Eyckian images.

  56. 56. Delaissé, “Miniatures Added,” 137. König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 152, has observed that as in the burned part, where the best Eyckian miniatures most decisively have key positions, one may ask whether traces of an earlier campaign would be strewn so widely around the manuscript (“Wie im verbrannten Teil, wo die besten eyckischen Miniaturen noch entschiedener die Schlüsselpositionen besetzen, fragt es sich, ob Spuren einer früheren Kampagne so weit über das Buch verstreut wäre”; translation by the author).

  57. 57. Peter Rolf Monks, “An Unusual Epitome of a Stylistic Labyrinth,” Scriptorium 52, no. 1 (1998): 3, suggested “that where an extensive programme of illustration was required, the practice in workshops was to engage simultaneously several miniaturists.” This echoes Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry, 109–10. According to Katharina Smeyers, “Iconographic Cycles in Légendes Dorées (Fourteenth-Fifteenth Century): Constants and Variables. A Case Study: Arundel (West Sussex), Collection of the Duke of Norfolk,” in Manuscripts in Transition: Recycling Manuscripts, Texts, and Images, ed. Brigitte Dekeyzer and Jan van der Stock (Paris and Dudley Mass.: Peeters, 2005), 285, “If a large number of miniatures was involved, the text might be split up and entrusted to several illuminators.” She refers also to an “overseer or head of the workshop.” In the same volume, Lynda Dennison, “Transformation, Interaction, and Integration: The Career and Collaboration of a Fourteenth Century Flemish Illuminator,” 175ff, suggested how works might be assigned to artists of varying experience. For distributing work in an atelier, see also Maurits Smeyers, “La miniature et son ‘auteur’: Aspects typologiques et méthodologiques,” in Le Dessin sous-jacent dans la peinture: Colloque 4, 29-30–31 octobre 1981; Le problème de l’auteur de l’oeuvre de peinture, ed. Roger van Schoute and Dominique Hollanders-Favart (Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Érasme, 1982), 21–22.

    Pieter F. J. Obbema, “Panel Painting and Book Illumination in a Monastic Workshop ca. 1440–85: Evidence from the Accounts of Lopsen near Leiden,” in Masters and Miniatures, ed. Horst and Klamt, 391–99, discusses the relative esteem accorded to painters or miniaturists, whether painters executed miniatures, and the distribution of labor in the workshop in question. The regional origin of the various artists is unimportant because artists were mobile. As miniatures were often bound into manuscripts written elsewhere, iconographic models were mobile, too; see Smeyers and Cardon, “Utrecht and Bruges,” 89, 93; Smeyers and Cardon, “Vier eeuwen vlaamse miniatuurkunst in Handschriften uit het Grootseminarie te Brugge,” De Duinenabdij en het Grootseminarie te Brugge: Bewoners, gebouwen, kunstpatrimonium, ed. Adelbert Denaux and Eric vanden Bergheed [Eric vanden Berghe](Tielt and Weesp: Lanoo, 1984), 161–65, 173; and Saskia van Bergen, “The Production of Flemish Books of Hours for the English Market: Standardization and Workshop Practices,” in Manuscripts in Transition, ed. Dekeyzer and Stock, 271–83.

    In the field of literature, geographic distinctions do not seem to matter; see Frits Pieter van Oostrom,”An Outsider’s View,” in Masters and Miniatures, ed. Horst and Klamt, 48. Thomas Kren noted “at least fifty” patterns developed by 1483 from multiple generations” in “The Importance of Patterns in the Emergence of a New Style of Flemish Manuscript Illumination after 1470,” in Manuscripts in Transition, ed. Dekeyzer and Stock 357–77. See also Jan van der Stock, “Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts: Assessing Archival Evidence,” in Flemish Manuscript Painting in Context: Recent Research, ed. Elizabeth Morrison and Thomas Kren (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2007), 117–120. R. G. Calkins, “Distribution of Labor: The Illuminators of the Hours of Catherine of Cleves and Their Workshop,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 69, no. 5 (1979): 54–55, discusses “one or more small ateliers which may have been part of an artistic neighborhood” and artists who “seem to have been highly mobile, combining and recombining forces with every commission.”http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006252  See also, Jonathan J. G. Alexander, Medieval Illuminators and Their Methods of Work (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); Christine Mary Geisler Andrews, “The Boucicaut Workshop and the Commercial Production of Books of Hours in Early Fifteenth-Century Paris” (PhD diss., Northwestern University, 2006); Natasja Peeters and Johan Dambrayne, “Artists of the Twilight Zone: Some Introductory Remarks on Journeymen in Painters’ Workshops in the Southern Netherlands c. 1450–c. 1650,” in Invisible Hands? The Role and Status of the Painter’s Journeyman in the Low Countries, c. 1450–c. 1650, ed. Natasja Peeters (Louvain: Peeters, 2007), ix-xxiv; Harald Deceulaer and Ann Diels, “Artists, Artisans: Workshop Practices and Assistants in the Low Countries (Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries),” in Invisible Hands?, 1–32; Natasja Peeters and Max Martens, “Assistants in Artists’ Workshops in the Southern Netherlands (Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries): Overview of the Archive Sources,” in Invisible Hands?, 33–50; and Natasja Peeters, “Painters’ Workshops and Assistants in Netherlandish Imagery (Mid-Fifteenth to Early Seventeenth Century),” in Invisible Hands? 51–66.

  58. 58. Richard H.Rouse and Mary A. Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers: Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris (London: Harvey Miller, 2000), passim, show how the physical arrangements of book-illustration workshops in Paris facilitated collaboration. Michael T. Orr, “Tradition and Innovation in the Cycles of Manuscripts Accompanying the Hours of the Virgin in Early Fifteenth-Century English Books of Hours,” in Manuscripts in Transition, ed. Dekeyzer and Stock, 265. We cannot tell who directed the production of the Turin-Milan Hours. For multiple hands in one manuscript, see Smeyers and Cardon, “Utrecht and Bruges,” 100–103. These scholars refer not to ateliers but—in Bruges around 1450— to “a cooperative of numerous individuals who collaborated intensively in the execution of manuscripts, lacking a clear-cut hierarchy.” This seems pertinent to the Turin-Milan Hours. For collaboration, see Charlotte Lacaze, “A Little-Known Manuscript from the Workshop of Master Pancraz,” in Manuscripts in Transition, ed. Dekeyzer and Stock, 255–73. In Cyriel Stroo and Dominique Vanwijnsberghe, “La peinture et l’enluminure,” in L’art flamand et hollandais: Le siècle des primitifs, 1380–1520, ed. Christian Heck (Paris: Citadelle et Mazenod, 2003): 179, we read in relation to the Cité de Dieu(Brussels, Bib. Roy. Albert I, Ms 9015-9016, mid-1440s) that it is “It is astonishing to see, in the core of the same book, how the degree of permeability of the modern can vary at the same moment in a restricted artistic milieu” (translation by the author).

  59. 59. Delaissé, “Miniatures Added,” 138, also 139–41.

  60. 60. These are analyzed in the article forthcoming in Artibus et Historiae (see note 16 above).In brief: Since the scene of John’s birth is unprecedented in large miniatures, Hand G needed a source and found it in Rogier’s image of the Naming of the Baptist, dated ca. 1450 by dendrochoronlogical evidence. There, placing Elizabeth toward the rear of his picture is logical as the focus is on Mary and Zachariah. This is not so on Milan fol. 93v where Hand G made Mary wander in the center of the room, ignoring Elizabeth and John. She has no halo but the baby does. Zachariah, reading rather than writing, has been confused with Joachim from Birth of the Virgin pictures. The figure scales are inconsistent, as they are also on Milan fol. 116.

  61. 61. Smeyers, “Answering Some Questions,” 59;and Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek,” 79–421.

  62. 62. Hulin, Heures de Turin, p. II.

  63. 63. Smeyers and Cardon, “Utrecht and Bruges,” 98. Kren, “The Importance of Patterns,”357, discerned patterns in circulation for seventy years.

  64. 64. See Maryan W. Ainsworth and Maximiliaan P. J. Martens, eds. Petrus Christus: Renaissance Master of Bruges (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994), 34–35.

  65. 65. For example, Turin fols. 31v, 33, 34v, 36, 9v, 73v.

  66. 66. For these paintings, see the Web Gallery of Art (http://www.wga/hu, s.v. Rogier van der Weyden) and ArtStor (http://www.artstor.org),among others.

  67. 67. Smeyers, “ Answering Some Questions,” 62–66, finds Hands F through I (I and J being the same) at work for a nobleman of Hainaut ca. 1440–45 and Hand K active at Bruges in the circle of Petrus Christus ca. 1450. His other observations efficiently summarize ideas from his dissertation. The same article cites images in other manuscripts that are similar to those of the Turin and Milan portions. Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijkendoek,” 354, cites the church in Milan fol. 116 as being similar to that of the Seven Sacraments. Anne H. van Buren, “Jan van Eyck in the Hours of Turin and Milan,” in Masters and Miniatures, ed. Horst and Klamt, 225–26, characterizes Hands H through K, and separates I from J.

  68. 68. Smeyers, “Answering Some Questions,” 59. For Miélot’s paper version with his pen-and-ink drawings intended to serve as models for luxurious editions, see Bert Cardon, “The Miroir de la salvation humaine Revisited: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS fr. 6275,” in Tributes in Honor of James H. Marrow, ed. Hamburger and Korteweg, 127–38.

  69. 69. See Adrian Wilson and Joyce Lancaster Wilson, A Medieval Mirror: Speculum Humanae Salvationis 1324–1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 48–89 (“Speculum Manuscripts in Translation”). Additional Flemish/Dutch copies are known as the Spiegel van de menselijk behoudenis (with spelling variations). Smeyers, “Answering Some Questions,” 59, and Smeyers, “A Mid-Fifteenth Century Book of Hours from Bruges,” 65, found no typological symbolism, only prefigurations, which appear also in manuscripts ca. 1430. He found typological symbolism introduced into books of hours shortly before the mid-century. Anne van Buren wrote that Hands F and J used imagery from the Biblia pauperum, while K mainly used typology from the Speculum humanae salvationis; Buren, “Jan van Eyck in the Hours of Turin and Milan Approached through the Fashions in Dress,” in Masters and Miniatures, ed. Horst and Klamt, 225–26.

  70. 70. Albert Châtelet raised questions about the subjects shown on Turin fols. 27v and 30 in Jean van Eyck, enlumineur, 121–22.

  71. 71. Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1:235–60, demonstrate that when illuminators had to produce work quickly, they might not interpret a text well, since their reading or interpretative skills were limited. For more on errors, see Timothy Chasson, “More Mistakes by Parisian Illuminators,” Source Notes in the History of Art 12, no. 3 (1993): 5. The Prayer Book of Charles the Bold (J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms 37), fol. 22, by Liéven van Lathem shows Jesus appearing to Saint James the Greater but seeming to step into water, not onto James’s island, see http://www.getty.edu/art/gettyguide/artObjectDetails?artobj=1926.

  72. 72. König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 125, 265. As he points out, however, Turin fol. 59 (with the Virgin among Virgins) is in the middle of a group of prayers to saints, where the first two pictures in the second text block were still unfinished at the Paris stage. The True Cross picture, Milan fol. 118, does not start or end a group of votive masses. Fol. 116 with the Mass of the Dead is the first one. That Hand G was given Milan fols. 116 and 93v to paint—93v at the start of a section of masses for saints–could signify his eminence among the executants, as König implied in Die Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame, 152.

  73. 73. This could have happened if all the ateliers worked simultaneously on the Turin-Milan Hours. Christopher de Hamel, The British Library Guide to Manuscript Illumination (London: The British Library, 2001), 40.

  74. 74. Robert G. Calkins, “Stages of Execution: Procedures of Illumination as Revealed in an Unfinished Book of Hours,” Gesta 17, no. 1 (1978): 61–70. He suggests that “the entire open bifolium was worked on at the same time” as it seems “to have been the consistent unit of work” (p. 62).
    http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/766713

  75. 75. König, Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, passim. 

  76. 76. Anne van Buren in Buren, Marrow, and Pettenati, Heures de Turin-Milan, 386; König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 235. Both see elements from the Hand F (Bedford) group or Eyckian artists in the bas-de-page.

  77. 77. Ainsworth and Martens, Petrus Christus, 55–59.

  78. 78. Paul Trio, “L’enlumineur à Bruges, Gand, et Ypres (1300-1450): Son milieu socio-économique et corporatif,” in Flanders in a European Perspective, ed. Smeyers and Cardon, 725–28.

  79. 79. A

    1. insworth and Martens, Petrus Christus, 34–35. They propose that the Pietà (Turin fol. 49v) inspired Christus’s compositions because they date the Turin-Milan Hours early. If it dates to the later 1440s, Christus’s compositions inspired the manuscript’s coarser and stiffer images, attributed by many scholars to Hand K and by König (Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 122) to the painter of the Eyckian Madonna in the Museum at Covarrubias.
  80. 80. Maryan Ainsworth and Keith Christiansen, From Van Eyck to Bruegel (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art,1998), 88–89. See also Reynolds, “King of Painters,” 7.

  81. 81. Dominique Vanwijnsberghe, “Robert Campin et l’enluminure: Trois miniatures attribuées à l’enluminure direct du peintre tournaisien,” in Tributes in Honor of James H. Marrow, ed. Hamburger and Korteweg, 554–55. For payment for a miniature, see Susie Nash, “A Fifteenth-Century French Manuscript and an Unknown Painting by Robert Campin,” Burlington Magazine137, no. 1108 (1995): 434.

  82. 82. He is shown in prayer wearing red and blue in the initials of Turin fols. 14 and 60v (with the prayer book’s perspective more accurate in the latter); praying beside God enthroned on Turin fol. 46v (with the largest representation of the patron); taking communion on Turin fol. 47v (both attributed to the Llangattock Master by König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 118–19); and, wearing gold and black, praying to Saint Andrew on Milan fol. 124. It may be he who prays while riding a horse on Turin fol. 71v, prays while Saint Michael vanquishes the devil on Turin fol. 75v, and is introduced to God by the Virgin Mary on Turin fol. 78. One cannot tell whether two young men in the bas-de-page of the Getty leaf were needed for the subject or were the manuscript’s owners. Joint ownership of a book would be impractical unless one owner left home frequently or brothers wanted a handsome book to display in their joint residence. On König’s attributions, see Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 130–34.

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_______________. “Problems and Possibilities of the Reflectography of Manuscripts: The Case of the Turin-Milan Hours.” In Le dessin sous-jacent et la technologie dans la peinture: Perspectives; colloque 11, 1995, edited by Roger van Schoute and Hélène Verougstraete, 19–28. Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Érasme, 1997.

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Deneffe, Dominique. “La miniature eyckienne.” In Miniatures flamandes 1404–1482, edited by Bernard Bousmanne and Thierry Delcourt, 166–71. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale; and Brussels: Bibliothèque royale, 2011.

Denuit, Désiré, Jacqueline de Bavière, princesse infortunée.Brussels: Dessart, n.d. [ca. 1947]

Devillers, Léopold, Cartulaire des comtes de Hainaut de l’avènement de Guillaume II à la mort de Jacqueline de Bavière, 1337–1436. 6 vols. Brussels: Commission Royale d’Histoire, 1881–96.

Durrieu, Paul. Heures de Turin. Paris: P. Renouard, 1902.

Dynter, Edmund de. Chronica nobilissimorum ducum Lotharingiae et Brabantiae ac regum Francorum. Brussels: Hayez, 1854.

Grotefend, Hermann. Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzeit. 2 vols. Hannover: Hahn, 1891; repr., Aalen: Scientia, 1970.

Guiffrey, Jules. Inventaires de Jean duc de Berry (1410–1416). 2 vols. Paris: E. Leroux, 1894.

Gysels, Georges. “Le départ de Jacqueline de Bavière de la cour de Brabant (11 avril 1420).” In Miscellanea historica in honorem Leonis van der Essen: Universitas Catholicae in oppido Lovaniensi iam annos XXV professoris, 1:413–27. Brussels and Paris: Éditions universitaires, 1947.

Hamburger, Jeffrey F., and Anne S. Korteweg, eds. Tributes in Honor of James H. Marrow: Studies in Painting and Manuscript Illumination of the Later Middle Ages and Northern Renaissance. Turnhout: Brepols, 2006.

Hamel, Christopher de. The British Library Guide to Manuscript Illumination. London: The British Library, 2001.

Hayward, Jane. “Painted Windows.” Metropolitan Museum Bulletin 30, no. 3 (Dec. 1971–Jan. 1972): 98–101.

Horst, Koert van der, and Johann-Christian Klamt.Masters and Miniatures: Proceedings of the Congress on Medieval Manuscript Illumination in the Northern Netherlands (Utrecht, 10-13 December 1989). Doornspijk: Davaco, 1991.

Hulin [de Loo], Georges. Heures de Milan. Brussels and Paris: G. Van Oest, 1911.

Hülsmann, Margriet. “Een Noordhollandse heiligenkalender: Een onderzoek naar vijftiende-eeuwse kalenderteksten in relatie tot de boekverluchting.” In Annus Quadriga Mundi: Opstellen over middeleeuwse Kunst; opgedragen aan Prof. Dr. Anna O. Esmeyer, edited by J. B. Bedaux, 99-115. Zutphen: Walburg, 1989.

Janse, H. “Een Nederlands gebrandschilderd glas in de Heilig Bloedkerk te Wilsnack (D).” Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond 91 (1992): 21–26.

Jones, Susan Frances. “The Workshop and Followers of Jan van Eyck.” PhD diss., Courtauld Institute, London, 1998.

Kemperdick, Stephan, and Frits Lammertse, eds. The Road to Van Eyck. Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans van Beuningen, 2013.

König, Eberhard, Die Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame des Herzogs Jean von Berry, Paris, BN lat. 6093. Lucerne: Faksimile Verlag, 1992.

___________. “Die Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame: Eine datierte Handschrift aus der Zeit nach 1404. In Flanders in a European Perspective (see Smeyers and ) Cardon), 41–57.

___________. Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, Duc de Berry. Munich: Hirmer, 1998.

___________. “Zur Farbigkeit der verbrannten Gefangennahme im Turiner Gebetbuch.”In Quand la peinture était dans les livres: Mélanges en l’honneur de François Avril, edited by Caroline Zöhl, Eberhard König, and Mara Hofmann, 110–27. Turnhout: Brepols, 2007.

Kren, Thomas. “The Importance of Patterns in the Emergence of a New Style of Flemish Manuscript Illumination after 1470.” In Manuscripts in Transition (see Dekeyzer and Stock), 357–77.

Lacaze, Charlotte. “A Little-Known Manuscript from the Workshop of Master Pancraz.” In Manuscripts in Transition (see Dekeyzer and Stock), 255–73.

Löher, Franz von. Jakobää von Bayern und ihre Zeit. 2nd ed. Nördlingen: Beck, 1869.

Lyna, Frédéric. “Élisabeth de Görlitz et les ‘Heures de Turin et de Milan.’” Scriptorium 15 (1961): 121–25.

_________. “Les Van Eyck et les Heures de Turin et de Milan.” Bulletin des Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts 4 (1955): 7–20.

_________.  “L’oeuvre présumée de Jean van Eyck et son influence sur la miniature flamande.” Scriptorium 16 (1962): 92–93.

Marrow, James H. “History, Historiography, and Pictorial Invention in the Turin-Milan Hours.” In In Detail: New Studies of Northern Renaissance Art in Honor of Walter S. Gibson, edited by Laurinda Dixon, 1–14. Turnhout: Brepols, 1998.

__________.  “Pictorial Reversals in the Turin-Milan Hours.” Scriptorium 20 (1966): 67–69.

__________. “The Turin-Milan Hours: Problems of Related Manuscripts and Patronage.” MA thesis, Columbia University, 1966.

MeissMillard. French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry: The Late Fourteenth Century and the Patronage of the Duke. London: Phaidon, 1967.

Meiss, Millard, and Sharon Off. “The Bookkeeping of Robinet d’Estampes and the Chronology of Jean de Berry’s Manuscripts.” Art Bulletin 53 (1971): 225–35.
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MierisFrans van.Groot charterboek der graven van Holland-Zeeland en heren van Vriesland. 4 vols.Leiden: P. vander Eyk, 1753–56.

Misset, E., and W. H. J. Weale. Analecta liturgica. 3 vols.Lille and Bruges: St. Augustin, 1889.

Monks, Peter Rolf. “An Unusual Epitome of a Stylistic Labyrinth.” Scriptorium 52, no. 1 (1998): 3–11.

Monstrelet, Enguerran de.The Chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet. Translated by Thomas Johnes. London: William Smith, 1840.

Nash, Susie. “A Fifteenth-Century French Manuscript and an Unknown Painting by Robert Campin.” Burlington Magazine 137, no. 1108 (1995): 428–37.

Obbema, Pieter F. J. “Panel Painting and Book Illumination in a Monastic Workshop ca. 1440–85: Evidence from the Accounts of Lopsen near Leiden.” In Masters and Miniatures(see Horst and Klamt), 391–99.

Oostrom, Frits Pieter van. “An Outsider’s View.” in Masters and Miniatures (see Horst and Klamt), 39–49.

Orr, Michael T. “Tradition and Innovation in the Cycles of Manuscripts Accompanying the Hours of the Virgin in Early Fifteenth-Century English Books of Hours.” In Manuscripts in Transition (see Dekeyzer and Van der Stock), 263–70.

Paravicini, Werner. DieHofordnungen Herzog Philipps des Guten von Burgund. Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke, 1986.

Paravicini, Werner, and Holger Kruse. DieHofordnungen der Herzöge von Burgund.Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke, 2005.

Peeters, Natasja, ed. Invisible Hands? The Role and Status of the Painter’s Journeyman in the Low Countries, c. 1450–c. 1650. Louvain: Peeters, 2007.

___________. “Painters’ Workshops and Assistants in Netherlandish Imagery (Mid-Fifteenth to Early Seventeenth Century).” In Invisible Hands? (see Peeters above), 51–66.

Peeters, Natasja, and Johan Dambrayne. “Artists of the Twilight Zone. Some Introductory Remarks on Journeymen in Painters’ Workshops in the Southern Netherlands c. 1450–c. 1650.” In Invisible Hands (see Peeters above), ix-xxiv.

Peeters, Natasja, and Max Martens. “Assistants in Artists’ Workshops in the Southern Netherlands (Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries): Overview of the Archive Sources.” In Invisible Hands? (see Peeters above), 33–50.

Populer, Michèle. “Les entrées inaugurales des princes dans les villes: Usage et signification; L’exemple des trois comtés de Hainaut, Hollande, et Zéelande entre 1417 et 1433.” Revue du Nord 6, no. 304 (1994): 25–52.

Preimesberger, Rudolf. “Geburt der Stimme und Schweigen des Gesetzes: Beobachtungen an der Johannes-Seite des Turin-Mailänder Stundenbuch.Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 57 (1994): 307–18.
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Quix, Christian. Schloss und ehemalige Herrschaft Rimburg, die Besitzer derselben, vorzuglich die Grafen und Freiherren von Gronsveld. Aachen: Mayer, 1835.

Renesse, Théodore de. Dictionnaire des figures héraldiques. Gouda: Van Goor Sons, 1884–87 (and later editions) and Brussels: O. Schepens, 1894–1903 (and later editions).

Reynolds, Catherine. “The King of Painters.” In Investigating Jan van Eyck, edited by Susan Foister, Sue Jones, and Delphine Cool, 1–16. Turnhout: Brepols, 2000.

___________. “The ‘Très Riches Heures,’ the Bedford Workshop and Barthélemy d’Eyck.” Burlington Magazine 147, no. 1229 (2005): 526–33.

Rouse, Richard H., and Mary A. Rouse. Manuscripts and Their Makers: Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris. 2 vols. London: Harvey Miller, 2000.

Schilling, Rosy. “Das Llangattock Stundenbuch.” Wallraf-Richartz Jahrbuch 23 (1961): 211–34.

Smeyers, Katharina. “Iconographic Cycles in Légendes Dorées (Fourteenth-Fifteenth Century): Constants and Variables. A Case Study: Arundel (West Sussex), Collection of the Duke of Norfolk.” In Manuscripts in Transition (see Dekeyzer and Stock), 285–90.

Smeyers, Maurits. “A Mid-Fifteenth-Century Book of Hours from Bruges in the Walters Art Gallery (MS 721) and Its Relation to the Turin-Milan Hours.” Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 46 (1988): 55–76.

__________. “Answering Some Questions about the Turin-Milan Hours.” In Le dessin sous-jacent dans la peinture: Colloque VII, 17-19 septembre 1987; Géographie et chronologie du dessin sous-jacent, edited by Rogier van Schoute, and Hélène Verougstraete-Marcq, 55–70. Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Érasme, 1989.

_____________. “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek: Een bijdrage tot de van Eyck-studie met een eerste synthetisch beeld van de kunst en de weeldetechniken an het hof der hertogen van Beieren.” PhD diss., Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, 1970.

__________. “La miniature et son ‘auteur’: Aspects typologiques et méthodologiques.” In Le Dessin sous-jacent dans la peinture: Colloque 4, 29-30-31 octobre 1981; Le problème de l’auteur de l’oeuvre de peinture, edited by Roger van Schoute and Dominique Hollanders-Favart, 16–36. Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Érasme, 1982.

Smeyers, Maurits, and Bert Cardon, eds.Flanders in a European Perspective: Manuscript Illumination around 1400 in Flanders and Abroad; Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Leuven 7-10 September 1993. Louvain: Peeters, 1995.

_____________. “Utrecht and Bruges—South and North ‘Boundless’ Relations in the l5th Century.” In Masters and Miniatures (see Horst and Klamt), 89–104.

_____________. “Vier eeuwen vlaamse miniatuurkunst in Handschriften uit het Grootseminarie te Brugge.” In De Duinenabdij en het Grootseminarie te Brugge: Bewoners, gebouwen, kunstpatrimonium, edited by Adelbert Denaux and Eric vanden Bergheed [Eric vanden Berghe], 137–88.Tielt and Weesp: Lanoo, 1984.

Sommé, Monique. Isabelle de Portugal, Duchesse de Bourgogne, Une femme au pouvoir au XVe siècle. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses Universitaires du Septentrion, 1998.

Stock, Jan van der. “Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts: Assessing Archival Evidence.” In Flemish Manuscript Painting in Context: Recent Research, edited by Elizabeth Morrison and Thomas Kren, 117–20. Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2007.

Stroo, Cyriel, and Dominique Vanwijnsberghe. “ La peinture et l’enluminure.” In L’art flamand et hollandaise: Le siècle des primitifs, 1380–1520, edited by Christian Heck, 144–213. Paris: Citadelle et Mazenod, 2003.

Sulzberger, Suzanne. “Pinturicchio et les van Eyck.” Gazette des Beaux-Arts,6 ser., 40 (1952): 261–68.

Trio, Paul. “L’enlumineur à Bruges, Gand, et Ypres (1300–1450): Son milieu socio-économique et corporative.” In Flanders in a European Perspective (see Smeyers and Cardon), 725–28.

Upton, Joel. Petrus Christus: His Place in Fifteenth-Century Flemish Painting. University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990.

Velden, Hugo van der. Jan van Eyck in Holland. Zwolle: W Books, forthcoming.

Vanwijnsberghe, Dominique. “Robert Campin et l’enluminure: Trois miniatures attribuées à l’enluminure direct du peintre tournaisien.” In Tributes in Honor of James H. Marrow (see Hamburger and Korteweg), 554–55.

VickersKenneth Hotham. Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester: A Biography. London: Constable, 1907.

Wijsman, Hanno. Luxury Bound: Illustrated Manuscript Production and Noble and Princely Book Ownership in the Burgundian Netherlands (1400–1550). Turnhout: Brepols, 2010.

Wilson, Adrian, and Joyce Lancaster Wilson. A Medieval Mirror: Speculum Humanae Salvationis 1324–1500. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985.

Wolters, Mathias Joseph. Recherches sur l’ancien comté de Gronsveld et sur les anciennes seigneuries d’Elsloo et de Randenraedt. Ghent: Ghyselynck, 1854.

List of Illustrations

Master of the Parement de Narbonne,  Annunciation, p. 2, from the Très Belles Heure,  c. 1390-1410,  Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris
Fig. 1 Master of the Parement de Narbonne, Annunciation, p. 2, from the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, c. 1390-1410. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, n.a. lat. 3093. (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Cavalcade on the Seashore, detail of fol. 59v, f,  ca. 1445–52,  Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Formerly Turin
Fig. 2 Hand G, Cavalcade on the Seashore, detail of fol. 59v, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Ms. K. IV. 29 (destroyed; artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Birth of Saint John the Baptist, detail of fol. ,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 3 Hand G, Birth of Saint John the Baptist, detail of fol. 93v, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Mass for the Dead, fol. 116, from the Turin-Mil,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 4 Hand G, Mass for the Dead, fol. 116, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Mass for the Dead, detail of fig. 4, fol. 116, f,  ca. 1445–52,
Fig. 5 Hand G, detail of fig. 4, Mass for the Dead, fol. 116, from the Turin-Milan Hours (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Group K,  November Calendar Page, fol. 11, from the Turin,  ca. 1445–52,  Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Formerly Turin
Fig. 6 Group K, November Calendar Page, fol. 11, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Ms K. IV. 29 (destroyed; artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
John the Baptist Group,  Annunciation, fol. 1v, from the Turin-Milan Hou,  ca. 1420,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 7 John the Baptist Group, Annunciation, fol. 1v, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1420. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Atrributed to Petrus Christus,  God Enthroned, fol. 14, from the Turin-Milan Ho,  ca. 1445–52,  Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Formerly Turin
Fig. 8 Atrributed to Petrus Christus, God Enthroned, fol. 14, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Formerly Turin, Biblioteca Nazionale e Universitaria, Ms. K. IV. 29 (destroyed; artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
John the Baptist Group, Adoration of the Christ Child, fol. 4, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1420. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain)
Fig. 9 John the Baptist Group, Adoration of the Christ Child, fol. 4, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1420. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Group K,  Young Man Praying to Christ, detail of fol.124, f,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 10 Group K, Young Man Praying to Christ, detail of fol.124, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Birth of the Baptist, detail of fig. 3, fol. 93v,
Fig. 11 Hand G, detail of fig. 3, Birth of the Baptist, fol. 93v, from the Turin-Milan Hours (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Arrest of Christ, fol. 24, from the Turin-Milan,  ca. 1445–52,  Biblioteca nazionale e universitaria, Formerly Turin
Fig. 17 Hand G, Arrest of Christ, fol. 24, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Formerly Turin, Biblioteca nazionale e universitaria, Ms K. IV. 29 (destroyed; artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Rogier van der Weyden,  Birth of St. John the Baptist, from Altarpiece ,  c.1455,  Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie, Berlin
Fig. 13 Fig. 13 Rogier van der Weyden, Birth of St. John the Baptist, from Altarpiece of St. John the Baptist. c.1455. Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Gemäldegalerie [side-by-side viewer]
Rogier van der Weyden, Altarpiece of the Seven Sacraments,  center panel,  c.1446,  Museum voor Schone Kunsten, Antwerp
Fig. 14 Rogier van der Weyden,  center panel, from Altarpiece of the Seven Sacraments, c.1446. Antwerp, Museum voor Schone Kunsten. [side-by-side viewer]
Unknown,  St. Augustine Receives His Doctrine, and Clovis ,  c.1445,  Bibliothèque Royale Albert I, Brussels
Fig. 15 St. Augustine Receives His Doctrine, and Clovis Receives Arms and Holy Oil from Heaven, detail of fol. 1, from St.Augustine, Cité de Dieu, c.1445. Brussels, Bibliothèque Royale Albert I, ms. 9015-9016 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Bas-de-page of Virgin among Virgins, fol. 59 fro,  ca. 1445–52,  Biblioteca nazionale e universitaria, Formerly Turin
Fig. 16 Fig. 16 Hand G, Bas-de-page of Virgin among Virgins, fol. 59 from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Formerly Turin, Biblioteca nazionale e universitaria, Ms K. IV. 29 (destroyed; artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand G,  Finding of the True Cross, fol. 118, from the T,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 18 Hand G, Finding of the True Cross, fol. 118, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Holy Ghost Master and John the Baptist Group,  Baptism of Christ, p. 162, from the Très Belle,  c. 1390-1410,  Bibliothèque Nationale de France, Paris
Fig. 19 Holy Ghost Master and John the Baptist Group, Baptism of Christ, p. 162, from the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, c. 1390-1410. Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale de France, n.a. lat. 3093 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Master of the Parement de Narbonne,  Holy Trinity, from the Très Belles Heures de N,  c. 1390-1410,  Louvre, Paris
Fig. 20 Master of the Parement de Narbonne, Holy Trinity, from the Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame, c. 1390-1410. Paris, Louvre, RF 2025 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Hand H,  Agony in the Garden, fol. 30v, from the Turin-M,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 21 Hand H, Agony in the Garden, fol. 30v, from the Turin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
John the Baptist Group and others,  Resurrection of Christ, fol. f.77v from the Tu,  ca. 1445–52,  Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Turin
Fig. 22 John the Baptist Group and others, Resurrection of Christ, fol. f.77v from the Tuin-Milan Hours, ca. 1445–52. Turin, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, inv. no. 47 (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]

Footnotes

  1. 1. Essential sources antedating 1992 are listed and summarized in Albert Châtelet, Jean van Eyck, enlumineur: Les Heures de Turin et de Turin-Milan, 2nd ed. (Strasbourg: Presses Universitaires de Strasbourg, 1993). Later important publications include: Anne H. van Buren, James H. Marrow, and Silvana Pettenati, Heures de Turin-Milan, Inv. No. 47, Museo Civico d’Arte Antica, Torino (Lucerne: Faksimile Verlag, 1996); Eberhard König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, Duc de Berry (Munich: Hirmer, 1998); Susan Frances Jones, “The Workshop and Followers of Jan van Eyck” (Ph.D. dissertation, Courtauld Institute, London, 1998), 20–25; James Marrow, “History, Historiography, and Pictorial Invention in the Turin-Milan Hours,” in In Detail: New Studies of Northern Renaissance Art in Honor of Walter S. Gibson, ed. Laurinda Dixon (Turnhout: Brepols, 1998), 14; Catherine Reynolds, “The King of Painters,” in Investigating Jan van Eyck, ed. Susan Foister, Sue Jones, and Delphine Cool (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000), 7–10; Stephan Kemperdick and Frits Lammertse, eds., The Road to Van Eyck(Rotterdam: Museum Boijmans van Beuningen, 2013), 16–19, 98–102, 294–99; and Hugo van der Velden,  Jan van Eyck in Holland (Zwolle: W Books, forthcoming) .
    Albert Châtelet, “Les miniatures de Jan van Eyck revisitées,” Art de l’enluminure 15 (2005–6): 36–66, reconstructed some of the lost color in the Arrest of Christ, the Prayer on the Shore (also called Cavalcade on the Seashore), and the Saint Julian miniatures; for an alternative color reconstruction of the Arrest of Christ, see Eberhard König, “Zur Farbigkeit der verbrannten Gefangennahme im Turiner Gebetbuch,” in Quand la peinture était dans les livres: Mélanges en l’honneur de François Avril, ed. Caroline Zöhl, Eberhard König, Mara Hofmann (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 110–27 (with his brief summary of attributions and references to his published opinions).

  2. 2. Châtelet, Jean van Eyck, enlumineur, 16–17, suggested that they were intended as a pair of books because some pictures in the two parts were made simultaneously. Maurits Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek: Een bijdrage tot de van Eyck-studie met een eerste synthetisch beeld van de kunst en de weeldetechniken an het hof der hertogen van Beieren” (PhD diss., Katholieke Universiteit, Leuven, 1970), 170–71, observed that the Milan pages are slightly larger, having been cut less.

  3. 3. Paul Durrieu, Heures de Turin (Paris: P. Renouard, 1902). Suzanne Sulzberger, “Pinturicchio et les van Eyck,” Gazette des Beaux-Arts, 6 ser., 40 (1952): 266, proposed that the Turin portion reached the house of Savoy through Margaret of Burgundy (died 1441), wife of William VI of Bavaria-Straubing-Wittelsbach; his arms appear on Turin fol. 59v and on Milan fol. 116. She could have willed the Turin portion to her brother-in-law, Amadeus of Savoy, but would have more likely given it to him as a gift before her sister died in 1422. Moreover, all scholars now believe that at least the Hand K atelier painted images after Margaret’s death.

  4. 4. For missing images, see Châtelet, “Les miniatures de Jan van Eyck revisitées,” 40

  5. 5. The part formerly in Milan and now in Turin is referred to as the Milan portion) and the part in Turin (destroyed in 1904) as the Turin portion.

  6. 6. The miniatures (in order of their placement): Turin portion—the Arrest of Christ (fol. 24), Saint Julian in a Boat (fol. 55v), the Virgin among Virgins (fol. 59), and Cavalcade on the Seashore (fol. 59v); Milan portion—The Birth of Saint John the Baptist (fol. 93v), Mass of the Dead (fol. 116), and The Finding of the True Cross (fol. 118). The attribution of Turin fol. 59 and Milan fol. 118 to Hand G is often disputed.

    The best reproductions of the extant portions of the manuscript have been published by Faksimile Verlag (see note 1). The most accessible are found in König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France. For other helpful enlargements, see Châtelet “Les miniatures de Jan van Eyck revisitées.”

  7. 7. Among the scholars who deny Jan van Eyck’s participation in the manuscript on grounds that supplement those given in the present essay are: Frédéric Lyna, “Les Van Eyck et les Heures de Turin et de Milan,” Bulletin des Musées Royaux des Beaux-Arts 4 (1955): 7–20; Lyna, “Élisabeth de Görlitz et les ‘Heures de Turin et de Milan,’” Scriptorium 15 (1961): 121–25; and Lyna, “L’oeuvre présumée de Jean van Eyck et son influence sur la miniature flamande,”Scriptorium 16 (1962): 92–93. See also James H. Marrow, “The Turin-Milan Hours: Problems of Related Manuscripts and Patronage” (MA thesis, Columbia University, 1966); Marrow, “Pictorial Reversals in the Turin-Milan Hours,” Scriptorium 20 (1966): 67–69 (Marrow later equivocated in “History, Historiography” [see note 1]); Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek”; Smeyers, “Answering Some Questions about the Turin-Milan Hours,” in Le dessin sous-jacent dans la peinture: Colloque VII, 17–19 septembre 1987; Géographie et chronologie du dessin sous-jacent, ed. Rogier van Schoute and Hélène Verougstraete-Marcq (Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Érasme, 1989), 55–70; Smeyers, “A Mid-Fifteenth-Century Book of Hours from Bruges in the Walters Art Gallery (MS 721) and Its Relation to the Turin-Milan Hours,” Journal of the Walters Art Gallery 46 (1988): 55–76; and Smeyers and Bert Cardon, “Utrecht and Bruges—South and North ‘Boundless’ Relations in the l5th Century,” in Masters and Miniatures: Proceedings of the Congress on Medieval Manuscript Illumination in the Northern Netherlands (Utrecht, 10-13 December 1989), ed. Koert van der Horst and Johann-Christian Klamt (Doornspijk: Davaco, 1991), 89–104. For a summary of previous opinions, see Dominique Deneffe, “La miniature eyckienne,” in Miniatures flamandes 1404–1482, ed. Bernard Bousmanne and Thierry Delcourt (Paris and Brussels: Bibliothèque nationale and Bibliothèque royale, 2011), 166–71.

  8. 8. For the debates on dating, see Eberhard König, Die Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame des Herzogs Jean von Berry, Paris, BN lat. 6093 (Lucerne: Faksimile Verlag, 1992), 156–57, 167–69; König, “Die Très Belles Heures de Notre-Dame: Eine datierte Handschrift aus der Zeit nach 1404,” in Flanders in a European Perspective: Manuscript Illumination around 1400 in Flanders and Abroad; Proceedings of the International Colloquium, Leuven 7–10 September 1993, ed. Maurits Smeyers and Bert Cardon (Louvain: Peeters, 1995), 41–57, esp. 41–43; Buren, Marrow, and Pettenati, Heures de Turin-Milan, 298–353; and Millard Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry: The Late Fourteenth Century and the Patronage of the Duke (London: Phaidon, 1967), 107–12, 337–38.

  9. 9. Jules Guiffrey, Inventaires de Jean duc de Berry (1410–1416) (Paris: E. Leroux, 1894), 1:243, no. 931.

  10. 10. For the woman’s identity, image, and arms, see Châtelet,Jean van Eyck, enlumineur, 14–15. She has also been called Robinet d’Estampes’s granddaughter.

  11. 11. Concerning the dispersal of the duke’s goods, see Catherine Reynolds, “The ‘Très Riches Heures,’ the Bedford Workshop and Barthélemy d’Eyck,” Burlington Magazine 147, no. 1229 (2005): 525–26.

  12. 12. Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek,” 20–26, 988–89, countered evidence that Robinet d’Estampes owned it.

  13. 13. Millard Meiss, with Sharon Off, “The Bookkeeping of Robinet d’Estampes and the Chronology of Jean de Berry’s Manuscripts,” Art Bulletin 53 (1971): 229. Despite the scholarly consensus, the ducal inventory may refer to another book. The manuscript under consideration here could have been unlisted because parts of it were still unpainted.
    http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3048832

  14. 14. Reynolds, “The ‘Très Riches Heures,’” 526–33.

  15. 15. Georges Hulin [de Loo], Heures de Milan (Brussels and Paris: G. Van Oest, 1911).

  16. 16. I present evidence that the Birth of Saint John the Baptist is derived from Rogier van der Weyden’s panel The Birth and Naming of the Baptist in Berlin of circa 1450, among other sources, in a forthcoming article, “Why Hand G of the Turin-Milan Hours Was Not Jan van Eyck,” Artibus et Historiae 35 (scheduled for 2014)..

  17. 17. Every author cited here discusses fols. 59v and 93v. The subject of the former, often calledThe Prayer on the Shore, remains unexplained. Rudolf Preimesberger, “Geburt der Stimme und Schweigen des Gesetzes: Beobachtungen an der Johannes-Seite des Turin-Mailänder Stundenbuch,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 57 (1994): 307–18, offered a theological interpretation of nearly every detail in The Birth of Saint John the Baptist.
    http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1482759

  18. 18. For a list of court personnel and other varlets (valets) de chambre, see Monique Sommé,Isabelle de Portugal, Duchesse de Bourgogne, Une femme au pouvoir au XVe siècle (Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses Universitaires du Septentrion, 1998), 229, 243. See also Werner Paravicini, Die Hofordnungen Herzog Philipps des Guten von Burgund (Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke, 1986); Werner Paravicini and Holger Kruse, Die Hofordnungen der Herzöge von Burgund (Ostfildern: Jan Thorbecke, 2005); and Sophie Cassagnes-Brouquet, D’art et d’argent: Les artistes et leurs clients dans l’Europe du nord XIVe et XVe siècles (Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes, 2001), 165–76.

  19. 19. As Count of Holland William was also William IV.

  20. 20. Margaret of Burgundy, Albert’s daughter-in-law and the Duke of Berry’s niece, might have become the intended recipient after Albert died. But Margaret’s brother, Jean sans Peur, masterminded the assassination of Louis d’Orléans, heir to the French throne and brother to the Duke of Berry, in 1407, and it seems unlikely that the latter would have given a luxurious present to this murderous branch of the family.

  21. 21. The arms of Charolais presumably relate to Charles the Bold, born in 1433, who was Count of Charolais before he became Duke of Burgundy.

  22. 22. Smeyers, “Answering Some Questions,” 50.

  23. 23. Grotefend, Zeitrechnung, vol. 2. The calendar for March and April lists bishops venerated in the Hainaut diocese of Mons. Other saints listed who were not in the usual calendars for Mons include Maximian in January, Blaise and Denis in February, Felix and Eusebius in March, Pancras and Calixtus in April, Athanasius, John at Porta Latina, and Latinus in May. Anne van Buren in Heures de Turin-Milan, ed. Buren, Marrow, and Pettenati, 351 n. 8, pointed out that about 71 percent of the saints correspond to the calendar for Mons printed in 1500, and about 69 percent correspond to the Hours written for the convent of St. Gertrude in Nivelles (Brussels, Bib. Roy. Albert I, Ms IV, 1113). For the relationship between the calendar and Mons, see E. Misset and W. H. J. Weale, Analecta liturgica(Lille and Bruges: St. Augustin, 1889), 1:347–54.

  24. 24. For the absence of Waudru in the Turin calendar, see Hulin, Heures de Milan, 9–10; the absence of Saint Willibrord makes affiliation with Utrecht unlikely. Hulin, Heures de Milan, 4, proposed that the saints in the calendar now in Paris probably suited Hainaut use. Margriet Hülsmann, “Een Noordhollandse heiligenkalender: Een onderzoek naar vijftiende-eeuwse kalenderteksten in relatie tot de boekverluchting,” in Annus Quadriga Mundi: Opstellen over middeleeuwse Kunst, opgedragen aan Prof. Dr. Anna O. Esmeyer, ed. J. B. Bedaux (Zutphen: Walburg, 1989), 99–115, comparing the Turin calendar to that of Nijmegen, confirmed that a manuscript could be written and illuminated in different places. For lists of saints venerated in various dioceses, at least from the early sixteenth century, see Hermann Grotefend,Zeitrechnung des deutschen Mittelalters und der Neuzeit (Hannover: Hahn, 1891; repr., Aalen: Scientia, 1970), vol. 2. 

  25. 25. Buren, Marrow, and Pettenati, Heures de Turin-Milan, 343.

  26. 26. König, Les Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 87.

  27. 27. See, for instance, Anne H. van Buren, “Problems and Possibilities of the Reflectography of Manuscripts: The Case of the Turin-Milan Hours,” in Le dessin sous-jacent et la technologie dans la peinture: perspectives, colloque 11, 1995, ed. Roger van Schoute and Hélène Verougstraete (Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Érasme, 1997), 19–28.

  28. 28. Margaret, sister of the childless Count William IV (died 1346), had been recognized by the Holy Roman Empire as her brother’s legal heir, but the circumstances differed because Margaret’s husband, Louis of Bavaria, who was Holy Roman Emperor at the time, had his own interests in mind when promoting her claim. See Ruth Putnam, A Mediaeval Princess (New York and London: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1904), 2.

  29. 29. See Léopold Devillers, Cartulaire des comtes de Hainaut de l’avènement de Guillaume II à la mort de Jacqueline de Bavière, 1337–1436 (Brussels: Commission Royale d’Histoire, 1881–96), 4:109. For an excellent summary of Jacqueline’s story, see Michèle Populer, “Les entrées inaugurales des princes dans les villes: Usage et signification; L’exemple des trois comtés de Hainaut, Hollande, et Zéelande entre 1417 et 1433,” Revue du Nord 6, no. 304 (1994): 25–52, esp. 36–44 (with important bibliographical citations).

  30. 30. Edmund de Dynter, Chronica nobilissimorum ducum Lotharingiae et Brabantiae ac regum Francorum (Brussels: Hayez, 1854), vol. 6, chapter 147. De Dynter (1375–1448) was employed at the court of John of Brabant.

  31. 31. Putnam, Mediaeval Princess, 45

  32. 32. Désiré Denuit, Jacqueline de Bavière, princesse infortunée(Brussels: Dessart, n.d. [ca. 1947]): 73.

  33. 33. Devillers, Cartulaire, 4:xvii, 158; De Dynter, Chronica, vol. 6, chapter 157; Populer, “Les entrées inaugurales,” 36–44.

  34. 34. Enguerran[d] de Monstrelet,The Chronicles of Enguerrand de Monstrelet, trans. Thomas Johnes (London: William Smith, 1840), 2:205 (chap. 77). The chronicler (ca. 1400–1453), resident in Cambrai, was a Burgundian partisan. Philip the Good favored parties opposed to Jacqueline.

  35. 35. The Treaty of Woudrichem on February 13, 1419, allowed John of Bavaria to keep Dordrecht and some areas of Holland in fee simple. John of Brabant would pay 100,000 units (rosenobel) of English currency if John of Bavaria surrendered his claims to Jacqueline’s lands. But when John of Brabant paid only about 15 percent of the sum, John of Bavaria, on April 21, 1420, demanded rule over Holland for twelve years as sole regent; a secret clause removed the need for Jacqueline’s agreement. John of Bavaria’s demands were not met, however. See Frans van Mieris, Groot charterboek der graven van Holland-Zeeland en heren van Vriesland (Leiden: P. vander Eyk, 1753–1756), 4:521.

  36. 36. For Jacqueline’s regrets about her marriage and support from the Estates of Hainaut, see Franz von Löher,Jakobää von Bayern und ihre Zeit, 2nd ed. (Nördlingen: Beck, 1869), 2:72–73; for her decision to declare her marriage invalid and request support from the Estates of Hainaut, followed by her decision to go to England (2:100–102). For her regrets and flight to England, see Monstrelet, Chronicles, 2:307–8 (chap. 119) and 2:428–30 for political relations (chap. 174).

  37. 37. Kenneth Hotham Vickers, Humphrey, Duke of Gloucester: A Biography (London: Constable, 1907), 126–29; for limits to Humphrey’s authority and Jacqueline’s rule, 140–46

  38. 38. For her marriage to Humphrey and political machinations ending with Pope Martin’s final word on her marital status, see Löher, Jakobää von Bayern, 2:137–44; see also A. Delepierre, Anselm M. M. G. Decoutray, and Augustin F. Lacroix, Particularités curieux sur Jacqueline de Bavière, comtesse de Hainaut, Société des Bibliophiles de Mons 7 (Mons: Emile Hoyois, 1838), xvii. More recently Hanno Wijsman has doubted the date of 1422 but Jacqueline certainly was Humphrey’s wife in 1424; see Wijsman, Luxury Bound: Illustrated Manuscript Production and Noble and Princely Book Ownership in the Burgundian Netherlands (1400–1550) (Turnhout: Brepols, 2010), 288–311.

  39. 39. Monstrelet, Chronicles, 2:295 (chap. 113) and 427 (chap. 173). Other citations of “Mesdames les ducesses” refer to Jacqueline and her mother, Margaret. See Archives Générales du Royaume, CC Reg. 14656 fol. 44, which is cited in the secondary literature: Georges Gysels, “Le départ de Jacqueline de Bavière de la cour de Brabant (11 avril 1420),”Miscellanea historica in honorem Leonis van der Essen: Universitas Catholicae in oppido Lovaniensi iam annos XXV professoris (Brussels and Paris: Éditions universitaires, 1947), 1:420–21, n. 34.

  40. 40. Populer, “Les entrées inaugurals,” 36–37. “Sone” did not mean ruler.

  41. 41. Löher, Jakobää von Bayern und ihre Zeit, 1:471–72, n. 13. That John of Bavaria was not count of Hainaut was noted earlier by L. M. J. Delaissé, “The Miniatures Added in the Low Countries to the Turin-Milan Hours and Their Political Significance,” in Kunstgeschichtliche Forschungen: Otto Pächt zu seinem 70 Geburtstag, ed. Artur Rosenauer and Gerold Weber (Salzburg: Residenz, 1972), 145 (although Delaissé did not explain the situation in detail).

  42. 42. Delaissé, “Miniatures Added,” 145–46.

  43. 43. Lyna, “Élisabeth de Görlitz,” 123–24. The passage of this manuscript back and forth between Elisabeth and Van Borsselen would allow for a campaign sponsored by Elisabeth using Hand G for five miniatures, another by Van Borsselen almost finishing the manuscript in a late style, and a recapturing of the manuscript by Elisabeth once in Trier, where she would have had another (German) artist honor her by including her among her imperial relatives in the Finding of the True Cross miniature and depicting her in the Virgin among Virgins image (although neither Elisabeth nor Saint Elizabeth were virgins).

    Van Borsselen lived at The Hague where Elisabeth visited him. Some scholars have proposed that the Cavalcade on the Seashore miniature is related to a large-scale painting in the palace there, perhaps one by Jan van Eyck showing William VI or John; no painting of this type is recorded. Albert Châtelet, “L’ensignement paternel dans les Heures de Milan-Turin,” in Tributes in Honor of James H. Marrow: Studies in Painting and Manuscript Illumination of the Later Middle Ages and Northern Renaissance, ed. Jeffrey F. Hamburger and Anne S. Korteweg (Turnhout: Brepols, 2006), 150, abandoned his earlier idea that Elisabeth obtained the manuscript from John of Bavaria and that the last patron was Rudolf von Virneburg. To all these hypotheses, one may reply that if John did not own the manuscript, Elisabeth did not inherit it from him. For Elisabeth’s biography, see Walter Kaemmerer, “Elisabeth von Görlitz,”Neue Deutsche Biographie (Berlin: Duncker & Humblot, 1959), 4:445; and Émile Varenbergh, Biographie Nationale (Brussels: Bruylant et Christophe, Académie Royale des sciences, des lettres, et des beaux-arts, 1878), vol. 6, cols. 548–52.

  44. 44. Delaissé,“Miniatures Added,”passim.

  45. 45. On Van Borsselen’s inventory, in which no paintings, manuscripts, or books are listed, see A. A. Arkenbout, “Das tägliche Leben des Frank van Borsselen (d. 1470),” in Adelige Sachkultur des SpätmittelaltersInternationaler Kongress, Krems an der Donau, 22. bis 25. September 1980,Sitzungsberichte der philosophisch-historischen Klasse 400, Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Realienkunde des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit 5 (Vienna: Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1982): 311–26; and Arkenbout, “Frank van Borsselen als opdrachtgever van de Haagse goud-en zilversmeden Heynric en Anthonis van Groesbeke,” Oud Holland 83 (l968): 143–56 (but not all the vessels seen in the Birth of the Saint John the Baptist on Milan fol. 93v are listed). For his commissioning of stained glass, see H. Janse, “Een Nederlands gebrandschilderd glas in de Heilig Bloedkerk te Wilsnack (D),” Koninklijke Nederlandse Oudheidkundige Bond Bulletin 91 (1992): 21–26.

  46. 46. Hulin, Heures de Milan, p.II.

  47. 47. My initial researches into the Gronsveld family history were generously assisted by the archivist Jacques van Rentsch at the Regionaal Historisch Centrum Limburg in Maastricht. Other sources are: Mathias Joseph Wolters, Recherches sur l’ancien comté de Gronsveld et sur les anciennes seigneuries d’Elsloo et de Randenraedt (Ghent: Ghyselynck, 1854); Christian Quix, Schloss und ehemalige Herrschaft Rimburg, die Besitzer derselben, vorzuglich die Grafen und Freiherren von Gronsveld (Aachen: Mayer, 1835). The Duchy of Limbourg was governed by Burgundy starting in 1430 but was at various times subject to Brabant and to the Holy Roman Empire. My reference to a woman who had a young adult son has to do with thecustomary destre/senestre positions of the recognizable heraldry.

  48. 48. See Théodore de Renesse, Dictionnaire des figures héraldiques (Gouda: Van Goor Sons, 1884–87 and later editions) and (Brussels: O. Schepens, 1894–1903 and later editions). These arms are on a plaque of unknown origin in the Jeruzalemkerk, Bruges.

  49. 49. See, for example, Workshop of Robert Campin, Merode Altarpiece (New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Cloisters Collections) and Master of Girart de Roussillon, the presentation page of The Roman of Girart de Roussillon (Vienna, Österreiches Nationalbibliothek, Ms. 2549, fol. 6).

  50. 50. Marrow, “The Turin-Milan Hours,” 54.

  51. 51. Jane Hayward, “Painted Windows,” Metropolitan Museum Bulletin 30, no. 3 (Dec. 1971–Jan. 1972): 100, noted that “A panel bearing a person’s coat of arms set into a window of his house or the town hall attested to his social or political prominence.” Louise Rice provided this quote from Shakespeare’s Richard II (III, 1, 16–17) as Bolingbroke bemoans his exile: ‘From my own windows torn my household coat.’”

  52. 52. Châtelet, Jean van Eyck, enlumineur, 89–93, appendix; König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 86. See also Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek,” 127–51.

  53. 53. Hulin, Heures de Milan, 27, for instance, grouped G, H, I, and J as collaborating. Albert Châtelet agreed, in “L’atelier eyckien des Heures de Turin-Milan,” in Studi e ricerche in memoria di Luigi Mallé, ed. Luciano Tamburini et al. (Turin: Associazione Amici dei Musei Civici di Torino, 1987), 78. Joel Upton, Petrus Christus: His Place in Fifteenth-Century Flemish Painting(University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, 1990), 207–8, advised that if “material evidence or the program of illustration” do not fit a division into separate groups, it is wise not to create separate groups or campaigns. L. M. J. Delaissé, “Miniatures Added,” dated the last campaign of work as late as ca. 1445.

  54. 54. See especially Buren, Marrow, and Pettenati, Heures de Turin-Milan, 330–33; and König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, passim. For the Llangattock Master, see Rosy Schilling, “Das Llangattock Stundenbuch,” Wallraf-Richartz Jahrbuch 23 (1961): 211–34 Willem Vrelant, who was probably in Bruges by 1454, according to Smeyers and Cardon, “Utrecht and Bruges,” 102, also participated in the illumination of the Llangattock Hours (J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms Ludwig IX, 7).

  55. 55. Pages often attributed entirely to the K artists: Turin fols. 27v, 30v, 33, 42, 43, 44, 46v, 47v, RF 2023, fols. 49v, 73v, 75v; Milan fols. 7, 38v, 97, 113, 124. Pages with one of the three parts by the K artists: Turin fols. 34v, 36, 71v; Milan fols. 109v, 111, and perhaps 122. Not all scholars attribute the bas-de-page of fol. 59v to Hand G. Its projection of landscape space that extends horizontally into the far distance is too advanced for any artist in the 1420s and is unlike the spatial projection in the bas-de-page of fol. 93v which rises more noticeably on the page, is full of incident, and ends in the mountains seen in several Eyckian images.

  56. 56. Delaissé, “Miniatures Added,” 137. König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 152, has observed that as in the burned part, where the best Eyckian miniatures most decisively have key positions, one may ask whether traces of an earlier campaign would be strewn so widely around the manuscript (“Wie im verbrannten Teil, wo die besten eyckischen Miniaturen noch entschiedener die Schlüsselpositionen besetzen, fragt es sich, ob Spuren einer früheren Kampagne so weit über das Buch verstreut wäre”; translation by the author).

  57. 57. Peter Rolf Monks, “An Unusual Epitome of a Stylistic Labyrinth,” Scriptorium 52, no. 1 (1998): 3, suggested “that where an extensive programme of illustration was required, the practice in workshops was to engage simultaneously several miniaturists.” This echoes Meiss, French Painting in the Time of Jean de Berry, 109–10. According to Katharina Smeyers, “Iconographic Cycles in Légendes Dorées (Fourteenth-Fifteenth Century): Constants and Variables. A Case Study: Arundel (West Sussex), Collection of the Duke of Norfolk,” in Manuscripts in Transition: Recycling Manuscripts, Texts, and Images, ed. Brigitte Dekeyzer and Jan van der Stock (Paris and Dudley Mass.: Peeters, 2005), 285, “If a large number of miniatures was involved, the text might be split up and entrusted to several illuminators.” She refers also to an “overseer or head of the workshop.” In the same volume, Lynda Dennison, “Transformation, Interaction, and Integration: The Career and Collaboration of a Fourteenth Century Flemish Illuminator,” 175ff, suggested how works might be assigned to artists of varying experience. For distributing work in an atelier, see also Maurits Smeyers, “La miniature et son ‘auteur’: Aspects typologiques et méthodologiques,” in Le Dessin sous-jacent dans la peinture: Colloque 4, 29-30–31 octobre 1981; Le problème de l’auteur de l’oeuvre de peinture, ed. Roger van Schoute and Dominique Hollanders-Favart (Louvain-la-Neuve: Collège Érasme, 1982), 21–22.

    Pieter F. J. Obbema, “Panel Painting and Book Illumination in a Monastic Workshop ca. 1440–85: Evidence from the Accounts of Lopsen near Leiden,” in Masters and Miniatures, ed. Horst and Klamt, 391–99, discusses the relative esteem accorded to painters or miniaturists, whether painters executed miniatures, and the distribution of labor in the workshop in question. The regional origin of the various artists is unimportant because artists were mobile. As miniatures were often bound into manuscripts written elsewhere, iconographic models were mobile, too; see Smeyers and Cardon, “Utrecht and Bruges,” 89, 93; Smeyers and Cardon, “Vier eeuwen vlaamse miniatuurkunst in Handschriften uit het Grootseminarie te Brugge,” De Duinenabdij en het Grootseminarie te Brugge: Bewoners, gebouwen, kunstpatrimonium, ed. Adelbert Denaux and Eric vanden Bergheed [Eric vanden Berghe](Tielt and Weesp: Lanoo, 1984), 161–65, 173; and Saskia van Bergen, “The Production of Flemish Books of Hours for the English Market: Standardization and Workshop Practices,” in Manuscripts in Transition, ed. Dekeyzer and Stock, 271–83.

    In the field of literature, geographic distinctions do not seem to matter; see Frits Pieter van Oostrom,”An Outsider’s View,” in Masters and Miniatures, ed. Horst and Klamt, 48. Thomas Kren noted “at least fifty” patterns developed by 1483 from multiple generations” in “The Importance of Patterns in the Emergence of a New Style of Flemish Manuscript Illumination after 1470,” in Manuscripts in Transition, ed. Dekeyzer and Stock 357–77. See also Jan van der Stock, “Flemish Illuminated Manuscripts: Assessing Archival Evidence,” in Flemish Manuscript Painting in Context: Recent Research, ed. Elizabeth Morrison and Thomas Kren (Los Angeles: J. Paul Getty Museum, 2007), 117–120. R. G. Calkins, “Distribution of Labor: The Illuminators of the Hours of Catherine of Cleves and Their Workshop,” Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 69, no. 5 (1979): 54–55, discusses “one or more small ateliers which may have been part of an artistic neighborhood” and artists who “seem to have been highly mobile, combining and recombining forces with every commission.”http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006252  See also, Jonathan J. G. Alexander, Medieval Illuminators and Their Methods of Work (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992); Christine Mary Geisler Andrews, “The Boucicaut Workshop and the Commercial Production of Books of Hours in Early Fifteenth-Century Paris” (PhD diss., Northwestern University, 2006); Natasja Peeters and Johan Dambrayne, “Artists of the Twilight Zone: Some Introductory Remarks on Journeymen in Painters’ Workshops in the Southern Netherlands c. 1450–c. 1650,” in Invisible Hands? The Role and Status of the Painter’s Journeyman in the Low Countries, c. 1450–c. 1650, ed. Natasja Peeters (Louvain: Peeters, 2007), ix-xxiv; Harald Deceulaer and Ann Diels, “Artists, Artisans: Workshop Practices and Assistants in the Low Countries (Fifteenth to Seventeenth Centuries),” in Invisible Hands?, 1–32; Natasja Peeters and Max Martens, “Assistants in Artists’ Workshops in the Southern Netherlands (Fifteenth and Sixteenth Centuries): Overview of the Archive Sources,” in Invisible Hands?, 33–50; and Natasja Peeters, “Painters’ Workshops and Assistants in Netherlandish Imagery (Mid-Fifteenth to Early Seventeenth Century),” in Invisible Hands? 51–66.

  58. 58. Richard H.Rouse and Mary A. Rouse, Manuscripts and Their Makers: Commercial Book Producers in Medieval Paris (London: Harvey Miller, 2000), passim, show how the physical arrangements of book-illustration workshops in Paris facilitated collaboration. Michael T. Orr, “Tradition and Innovation in the Cycles of Manuscripts Accompanying the Hours of the Virgin in Early Fifteenth-Century English Books of Hours,” in Manuscripts in Transition, ed. Dekeyzer and Stock, 265. We cannot tell who directed the production of the Turin-Milan Hours. For multiple hands in one manuscript, see Smeyers and Cardon, “Utrecht and Bruges,” 100–103. These scholars refer not to ateliers but—in Bruges around 1450— to “a cooperative of numerous individuals who collaborated intensively in the execution of manuscripts, lacking a clear-cut hierarchy.” This seems pertinent to the Turin-Milan Hours. For collaboration, see Charlotte Lacaze, “A Little-Known Manuscript from the Workshop of Master Pancraz,” in Manuscripts in Transition, ed. Dekeyzer and Stock, 255–73. In Cyriel Stroo and Dominique Vanwijnsberghe, “La peinture et l’enluminure,” in L’art flamand et hollandais: Le siècle des primitifs, 1380–1520, ed. Christian Heck (Paris: Citadelle et Mazenod, 2003): 179, we read in relation to the Cité de Dieu(Brussels, Bib. Roy. Albert I, Ms 9015-9016, mid-1440s) that it is “It is astonishing to see, in the core of the same book, how the degree of permeability of the modern can vary at the same moment in a restricted artistic milieu” (translation by the author).

  59. 59. Delaissé, “Miniatures Added,” 138, also 139–41.

  60. 60. These are analyzed in the article forthcoming in Artibus et Historiae (see note 16 above).In brief: Since the scene of John’s birth is unprecedented in large miniatures, Hand G needed a source and found it in Rogier’s image of the Naming of the Baptist, dated ca. 1450 by dendrochoronlogical evidence. There, placing Elizabeth toward the rear of his picture is logical as the focus is on Mary and Zachariah. This is not so on Milan fol. 93v where Hand G made Mary wander in the center of the room, ignoring Elizabeth and John. She has no halo but the baby does. Zachariah, reading rather than writing, has been confused with Joachim from Birth of the Virgin pictures. The figure scales are inconsistent, as they are also on Milan fol. 116.

  61. 61. Smeyers, “Answering Some Questions,” 59;and Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijdenboek,” 79–421.

  62. 62. Hulin, Heures de Turin, p. II.

  63. 63. Smeyers and Cardon, “Utrecht and Bruges,” 98. Kren, “The Importance of Patterns,”357, discerned patterns in circulation for seventy years.

  64. 64. See Maryan W. Ainsworth and Maximiliaan P. J. Martens, eds. Petrus Christus: Renaissance Master of Bruges (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1994), 34–35.

  65. 65. For example, Turin fols. 31v, 33, 34v, 36, 9v, 73v.

  66. 66. For these paintings, see the Web Gallery of Art (http://www.wga/hu, s.v. Rogier van der Weyden) and ArtStor (http://www.artstor.org),among others.

  67. 67. Smeyers, “ Answering Some Questions,” 62–66, finds Hands F through I (I and J being the same) at work for a nobleman of Hainaut ca. 1440–45 and Hand K active at Bruges in the circle of Petrus Christus ca. 1450. His other observations efficiently summarize ideas from his dissertation. The same article cites images in other manuscripts that are similar to those of the Turin and Milan portions. Smeyers, “Het Turijns-Milanees Getijkendoek,” 354, cites the church in Milan fol. 116 as being similar to that of the Seven Sacraments. Anne H. van Buren, “Jan van Eyck in the Hours of Turin and Milan,” in Masters and Miniatures, ed. Horst and Klamt, 225–26, characterizes Hands H through K, and separates I from J.

  68. 68. Smeyers, “Answering Some Questions,” 59. For Miélot’s paper version with his pen-and-ink drawings intended to serve as models for luxurious editions, see Bert Cardon, “The Miroir de la salvation humaine Revisited: Bibliothèque Nationale de France, MS fr. 6275,” in Tributes in Honor of James H. Marrow, ed. Hamburger and Korteweg, 127–38.

  69. 69. See Adrian Wilson and Joyce Lancaster Wilson, A Medieval Mirror: Speculum Humanae Salvationis 1324–1500 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985), 48–89 (“Speculum Manuscripts in Translation”). Additional Flemish/Dutch copies are known as the Spiegel van de menselijk behoudenis (with spelling variations). Smeyers, “Answering Some Questions,” 59, and Smeyers, “A Mid-Fifteenth Century Book of Hours from Bruges,” 65, found no typological symbolism, only prefigurations, which appear also in manuscripts ca. 1430. He found typological symbolism introduced into books of hours shortly before the mid-century. Anne van Buren wrote that Hands F and J used imagery from the Biblia pauperum, while K mainly used typology from the Speculum humanae salvationis; Buren, “Jan van Eyck in the Hours of Turin and Milan Approached through the Fashions in Dress,” in Masters and Miniatures, ed. Horst and Klamt, 225–26.

  70. 70. Albert Châtelet raised questions about the subjects shown on Turin fols. 27v and 30 in Jean van Eyck, enlumineur, 121–22.

  71. 71. Rouse and Rouse, Manuscripts and their Makers, 1:235–60, demonstrate that when illuminators had to produce work quickly, they might not interpret a text well, since their reading or interpretative skills were limited. For more on errors, see Timothy Chasson, “More Mistakes by Parisian Illuminators,” Source Notes in the History of Art 12, no. 3 (1993): 5. The Prayer Book of Charles the Bold (J. Paul Getty Museum, Ms 37), fol. 22, by Liéven van Lathem shows Jesus appearing to Saint James the Greater but seeming to step into water, not onto James’s island, see http://www.getty.edu/art/gettyguide/artObjectDetails?artobj=1926.

  72. 72. König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 125, 265. As he points out, however, Turin fol. 59 (with the Virgin among Virgins) is in the middle of a group of prayers to saints, where the first two pictures in the second text block were still unfinished at the Paris stage. The True Cross picture, Milan fol. 118, does not start or end a group of votive masses. Fol. 116 with the Mass of the Dead is the first one. That Hand G was given Milan fols. 116 and 93v to paint—93v at the start of a section of masses for saints–could signify his eminence among the executants, as König implied in Die Très Belles Heures de Notre Dame, 152.

  73. 73. This could have happened if all the ateliers worked simultaneously on the Turin-Milan Hours. Christopher de Hamel, The British Library Guide to Manuscript Illumination (London: The British Library, 2001), 40.

  74. 74. Robert G. Calkins, “Stages of Execution: Procedures of Illumination as Revealed in an Unfinished Book of Hours,” Gesta 17, no. 1 (1978): 61–70. He suggests that “the entire open bifolium was worked on at the same time” as it seems “to have been the consistent unit of work” (p. 62).
    http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/766713

  75. 75. König, Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, passim. 

  76. 76. Anne van Buren in Buren, Marrow, and Pettenati, Heures de Turin-Milan, 386; König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 235. Both see elements from the Hand F (Bedford) group or Eyckian artists in the bas-de-page.

  77. 77. Ainsworth and Martens, Petrus Christus, 55–59.

  78. 78. Paul Trio, “L’enlumineur à Bruges, Gand, et Ypres (1300-1450): Son milieu socio-économique et corporatif,” in Flanders in a European Perspective, ed. Smeyers and Cardon, 725–28.

  79. 79. A

    1. insworth and Martens, Petrus Christus, 34–35. They propose that the Pietà (Turin fol. 49v) inspired Christus’s compositions because they date the Turin-Milan Hours early. If it dates to the later 1440s, Christus’s compositions inspired the manuscript’s coarser and stiffer images, attributed by many scholars to Hand K and by König (Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 122) to the painter of the Eyckian Madonna in the Museum at Covarrubias.
  80. 80. Maryan Ainsworth and Keith Christiansen, From Van Eyck to Bruegel (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art,1998), 88–89. See also Reynolds, “King of Painters,” 7.

  81. 81. Dominique Vanwijnsberghe, “Robert Campin et l’enluminure: Trois miniatures attribuées à l’enluminure direct du peintre tournaisien,” in Tributes in Honor of James H. Marrow, ed. Hamburger and Korteweg, 554–55. For payment for a miniature, see Susie Nash, “A Fifteenth-Century French Manuscript and an Unknown Painting by Robert Campin,” Burlington Magazine137, no. 1108 (1995): 434.

  82. 82. He is shown in prayer wearing red and blue in the initials of Turin fols. 14 and 60v (with the prayer book’s perspective more accurate in the latter); praying beside God enthroned on Turin fol. 46v (with the largest representation of the patron); taking communion on Turin fol. 47v (both attributed to the Llangattock Master by König, Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 118–19); and, wearing gold and black, praying to Saint Andrew on Milan fol. 124. It may be he who prays while riding a horse on Turin fol. 71v, prays while Saint Michael vanquishes the devil on Turin fol. 75v, and is introduced to God by the Virgin Mary on Turin fol. 78. One cannot tell whether two young men in the bas-de-page of the Getty leaf were needed for the subject or were the manuscript’s owners. Joint ownership of a book would be impractical unless one owner left home frequently or brothers wanted a handsome book to display in their joint residence. On König’s attributions, see Die Très Belles Heures von Jean de France, 130–34.

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DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2014.6.2.1
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Carol Herselle Krinsky, "The Turin-Milan Hours: Revised Dating and Attribution," Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 6:2 (Summer 2014) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2014.6.2.1