Rembrandt’s Standard Bearer: On Costume, Comedy, and Self-Portrayal, circa 1627–1637

Rembrandt van Rijn, The Standard Bearer, 1636, oil on canvas, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam

At the acquisition of Rembrandt van Rijn’s The Standard Bearer (1636), the Rijksmuseum and the Dutch government presented the subject of the painting as a symbol of the heroic fight against the Spanish, decisive for the birth of the independent Netherlands, and as an image of the strength and courage of civic guard companies and the intrepidity of the standard bearer. This article argues that Rembrandt instead presented himself provocatively as a comedian-painter, satirizing the image of the conceited standard bearer, well-known from both reality and comic roles in contemporary theater. Simultaneously, Rembrandt displays an unrivaled virtuoso handling in competition with the admired Frans Hals.

DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2024.16.2.2

Acknowledgements

I am grateful to Nicolette Sluijter, H. Perry Chapman and Jasper Hillegers for their critical comments on my text.

Schutters company attending the presentation of Rembrandt’s The Standard Bearer at the Bonnefantenmuseum in Maastricht, March 11, 2023
Fig. 1 Schutters company attending the presentation of Rembrandt’s The Standard Bearer at the Bonnefantenmuseum in Maastricht, March 11, 2023. Photo: Rob Oostwegel, De Limburger [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt van Rijn, The Standard Bearer, 1636, oil on canvas, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 2 Rembrandt van Rijn, The Standard Bearer, 1636, oil on canvas, 118.8 x 96.8 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Evert van der Maes, Willem Janszn Cock, 1617, oil on canvas, Haags Historisch Museum, The Hague
Fig. 3 Evert van der Maes, Willem Janszn Cock, 1617, oil on canvas, 200 x 103 cm. Haags Historisch Museum, The Hague (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Cristoph Krieger after Cesare Vecellio, The Hungarian, woodcut, in Degli Habiti Antichi..., (Venice: 1590), The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 4 Cristoph Krieger after Cesare Vecellio, The Hungarian, woodcut, 16.7 x 12.5 cm. illustrated in Cesare Vecellio, Degli Habiti Antichi et moderni di Diverse Parti del Mondo (Venice: 1590), The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York [side-by-side viewer]
Willem Duyster, Tric-Trac Playing Officers, oil on panel transferred to canvas, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 5 Willem Duyster, Tric-Trac Playing Officers, oil on panel transferred to canvas, 31.1 x 41 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Albrecht Dürer, Standard Bearer, ca. 1499–1503, engraving, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 6 Albrecht Dürer, Standard Bearer, ca. 1499–1503, engraving, 11.6 x 7.2 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Lucas van Leyden, Standard Bearer, ca. 1508–1512, engraving, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 7 Lucas van Leyden, Standard Bearer, ca. 1508–1512, engraving, 11.8 x 7 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Hendrick Goltzius, Standard Bearer, 1585, engraving, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 8 Hendrick Goltzius, Standard Bearer, 1585, engraving, 21.3 x 15.5 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Hendrick Goltzius, Standard Bearer, 1587, engraving, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 9 Hendrick Goltzius, Standard Bearer, 1587, engraving, 28.7 x 19.3 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Pieter Isaacsz, Civic Guard Company of Jacob Hoynck and Wybrand Appelman, 1596, oil on canvas, Amsterdam Museum, Amsterdam
Fig. 10 Pieter Isaacsz, Civic Guard Company of Jacob Hoynck and Wybrand Appelman, 1596, oil on canvas, 171 x 502 cm. Amsterdam Museum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Detail of part of the second leaf, representing the Standard Bearers of the Parade,
Fig. 11 Jacob Savery the Elder, Triumphal Entry of Leicester in The Hague, 1587, etching (consisting of 12 leafs), 16.1 x 387.4 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. Detail of part of the second leaf, representing the Standard Bearers of the Parade, ca. 15 cm. [side-by-side viewer]
Jörg Breu the Younger, Lansquenet, “Stoffel Allweg vol,” ca. 1520–1530, woodcut
Fig. 12 Jörg Breu the Younger, Lansquenet, “Stoffel Allweg vol,” ca. 1520–1530, published between 1575 and 1590 by Joost de Necker, no. 49, woodcut, 28 x 17 cm, Image courtesy www.imageselect.eu [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Quack Selling His Wares, 1635, etching, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 14 Rembrandt, Quack Selling His Wares, 1635, etching, 7.8 x 3.6 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Eastern European Potentate Leaning on a Sabre, 1634, etching, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 13 Rembrandt, Eastern European Potentate Leaning on a Sabre, 1634, etching, 19.7 x 16.3 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Man with Gorget and Plumed Beret, ca. 1626/1627, oil on panel, Private Collection
Fig. 15 Rembrandt, Man with Gorget and Plumed Beret, ca. 1626/1627, oil on panel, 40 x 49.4 cm. Private Collection [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Three Sketches of a Soldier Fondling a Woman, ca. 1635, pen and brown ink on paper, Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 16 Rembrandt, Three Sketches of a Soldier Fondling a Woman, ca. 1635, pen and brown ink on paper,  17.3 x 15.5 cm. Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin [side-by-side viewer]
Jan Lievens, The Banquet of Esther, ca. 1625, oil on canvas, North Carolina Museum of Art, Raleigh
Fig. 17 Jan Lievens, The Banquet of Esther, ca. 1625, oil on canvas, 163.8 x 130.8 cm. North Carolina Museum of Art, Raleigh [side-by-side viewer]
Jacques de Gheyn II, Music Making and Dancing Buffoons, ca. 1595/96, engraving, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 18 Jacques de Gheyn II, Music Making and Dancing Buffoons, ca. 1595/96, engraving, 23.8 x 17.1 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Jan Miense Molenaer, The Final Scene of Bredero’s Lucelle, 1639, oil on panel, Bijzondere Collecties (Collection Theater Institute Netherlands), University of Amsterdam
Fig. 19 Jan Miense Molenaer, The Final Scene of Bredero’s Lucelle, 1639, oil on panel, 81 x 100 cm. Bijzondere Collecties (Collection Theater Institute Netherlands), University of Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Pieter Brueghel the Younger, Shouting Lansquenet (Ira?), oil on panel, Musée Fabre, Montpellier
Fig. 20 Pieter Brueghel the Younger, Shouting Lansquenet (Ira?), oil on panel, 16 cm diam. Musée Fabre, Montpellier [side-by-side viewer]
Jan van de Velde II, The Drinker, etching and engraving, 1633, in Samuel Ampzing, Spigel ofte Toneel... (Amsterdam, 1633), Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 21 Jan van de Velde II, The Drinker, etching and engraving, 1633, 17 x 11.7 cm. In Samuel Ampzing, Spigel ofte Toneel der Ydelheid ende Ongebondenheid onser Eeuw (Amsterdam, 1633), Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Pissing Vagabond, 1630, etching, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 22 Rembrandt, Pissing Vagabond, 1630, etching, 82 x 48 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Copy after Rembrandt (Ferdinand Bol?), The Standard Bearer, ca. 1636–1640, pen and India ink and wash, The British Museum, London
Fig. 23 Copy after Rembrandt (Ferdinand Bol?), The Standard Bearer, ca. 1636–1640, pen and India ink and wash, 22 x 17.1 cm. The British Museum, London, © The Trustees of the British Museum [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 24 Willem Isaacsz van Swanenburg after David Vinckboons, Village Kermess, ca. 1610, engraving, 44.5 x 71.2 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. Detail of a group of rhetoricians in costume preparing to go on stage [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, The Actor Willem Ruyter in a Peasant Role, ca. 1638–1639, pen and brown ink, Victoria and Albert Museum, London
Fig. 25 Rembrandt, The Actor Willem Ruyter in a Peasant Role, ca. 1638–1639, pen and brown ink, 17.7 x 14 cm. Victoria and Albert Museum, London [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Actor in the Role of Pantalone, ca. 1636, pen and brush in brown, Kunsthalle, Hamburg
Fig. 26 Rembrandt, Actor in the Role of Pantalone, ca. 1636, pen and brush in brown, 18.5 x 11.9 cm. Kunsthalle, Hamburg [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 27 Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer (fig. 2), detail of the banner’s strip of embroidered ornament [side-by-side viewer]
Danae
Fig. 28 Rembrandt, Danaë, 1636–ca. 1643, oil on canvas, 185 x 203 cm. Hermitage, St. Petersburg. Image from Wikimedia Commons [side-by-side viewer]
Draped corner of a luxury bedsheet of fine linen, 17th century, probably made in Friesland, Private Collection
Fig. 29 Draped corner of a luxury bedsheet of fine linen, 17th century, probably made in Friesland, 268 x 200 cm. Private collection [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 30 Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer (fig. 2), detail of the folds of the standard bearer’s banner [side-by-side viewer]
Frans Hals and Pieter Codde, Civic Guard Company of Reinier Reael and Cornelis Michielsz Blaeuw (the “Meagre Company”), begun 1634, finished and dated 1637, oil on canvas, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 31 Frans Hals and Pieter Codde, Civic Guard Company of Reinier Reael and Cornelis Michielsz Blaeuw (the “Meagre Company”), begun 1634, finished and dated 1637, oil on canvas, 209 x 429 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 32 Frans Hals and Pieter Codde,  The “Meagre Company”(fig. 32), detail of Nicolaes van Bambeeck as standard bearer [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 33 Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer (fig. 2), detail of the standard bearer’s head and dress [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 34 Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer (fig. 2), detail of the standard bearer’s (Rembrandt’s) face [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Soft Beret, ca. 1637, red chalk, National Gallery of Art, Washington
Fig. 35 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Soft Beret, ca. 1637, red chalk, 12.9 x 11.9 cm. National Gallery of Art, Washington [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Open Mouth, ca. 1629, pen and brown ink, gray brushwork, The British Museum, London
Fig. 36 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Open Mouth, ca. 1629, pen and brown ink, gray brushwork, 12.7 x 9.5 cm. The British Museum, London [side-by-side viewer]
Louis Finson, Self-Portrait, 1613 or 1614, oil on canvas, Musée des Beaux Arts, Marseille
Fig. 37 Louis Finson, Self-Portrait, 1613 or 1614, oil on canvas, 81 x 62 cm. Musée des Beaux Arts, Marseille [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Laughing Self-Portrait with a Gorget, ca. 1628, oil on copper, J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles
Fig. 38 Rembrandt, Laughing Self-Portrait with a Gorget, ca. 1628, oil on copper, 22.2 x 17.1 cm. J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles [side-by-side viewer]
Hans von Aachen, Laughing Self-Portrait with “Donna Venusta,” ca. 1580–1585, oil on canvas, Private Collection, Italy
Fig. 39 Hans von Aachen, Laughing Self-Portrait with “Donna Venusta,” ca. 1580–1585, oil on canvas, 112 x 88 cm. Private Collection, Italy [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Saskia as a Soldier and His Sweetheart in a Tavern (or The Prodigal Son in the Tavern), ca. 1635, oil on canvas, Gemäldegalerie, Dresden
Fig. 40 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Saskia as a Soldier and His Sweetheart in a Tavern (or The Prodigal Son in the Tavern), ca. 1635, oil on canvas, 161 x 131 cm. Gemäldegalerie, Dresden [side-by-side viewer]
Frans Hals, Pekelharing (“Mulatto”), ca. 1628, oil on canvas, Museum der bildenden Künste, Leipzig
Fig. 41 Frans Hals, Pekelharing (“Mulatto”), ca. 1628, oil on canvas, 72 x 57.5 cm. Museum der bildenden Künste, Leipzig [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt and Workshop, Self-Portrait as “Polish” Captain, 1635, oil on canvas, Buckland Abbey, National Trust.
Fig. 42 Rembrandt and Workshop, Self-Portrait as “Polish” Captain, 1635, oil on canvas, 90.5 x 71.8 cm. Buckland Abbey, National Trust. Copyright Buckland Abbey; Supplied by The Public Catalogue Foundation [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Saskia, 1636, etching, The British Museum, London
Fig. 43 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Saskia, 1636, etching, 10.4 x 9.4 cm. The British Museum, London [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Soft Beret and Fur Collar, 1634, oil on canvas, Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 44 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Soft Beret and Fur Collar, 1634, oil on canvas, 70.8 x 55.2 cm. Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin [side-by-side viewer]
Copy after Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer, ca. 1636–1640?, oil on canvas, Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Kassel
Fig. 45 Copy after Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer, ca. 1636–1640?, oil on canvas, 112 x 89 cm. Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Kassel [side-by-side viewer]
  1. 1. The painting was bought by the Rijksmuseum for 175 million euros. The Ministry of Education, Culture and Science contributed 150 million euros, the Vereniging Rembrandt (Rembrandt Association) 15 million, and the Rijksmuseum Fund and other institutions 10 million. Wieteke van Zeil wrote the first excellent and critical reaction in a newspaper: “Nederland koopt voor 175 miljoen een Rembrandt: Heeft het Rijksmuseum echt een vaandeldrager nodig?” De Volkskrant, December 8, 2021. See also Gary Schwartz, “De Vaandeldrager: Dure aankoop met Rembrandts eigen tronie,” NRC, January 15–16, 2021; Sjeng Scheijen, “Musea jagen windhandel in de kunst aan,” NRC, December 10, 2021; Pieter van Os, “De schilder en het nationalisme: Rembrandt als vlag,” De Groene Amsterdammer, May 25, 2022; and Eric Jan Sluijter, “IJdele kwast,” De Volkskrant, April 29, 2022.

  2. 2. The painting was also promoted as an artistic breakthrough, a turning point in Rembrandt’s oeuvre, a work with which he made his mark in Amsterdam, a missing link in the Rijkmuseum, and Rembrandt’s most important work in private hands. See, for example, the booklet that appeared when the painting began its tour through museums on May 1, 2022: Taco Dibbets et al., De vaandeldrager van Rembrandt (Amsterdam: Vereniging Rembrandt and Rijksmuseum, 2022), 14, 35, 36, 56, 65, 77, 79. The video accompanying the tour of the painting voiced the same arguments. In 2023, Jonathan Bikker’s text in the above-mentioned booklet was republished with more illustrations: Jonathan Bikker, Rembrandt: De Vaandeldrager (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 2023). More recently a TV program was made about the contribution of the Vereniging Rembrandt: Oeke Hoogendijk, “De Vereniging Rembrandt, een uitzonderlijk jaar,” Het uur van de wolf, NTR, aired January 10, 2024.

  3. 3. I follow Ernst Gombrich’s advice to first establish the category (“the primacy of genre”); Ernst Gombrich, Symbolic Images: Studies in the Art of the Renaissance (London: Phaidon, 1972), 1–7. A peer reviewer pointed out this useful tool to clarify my approach. The only one who saw The Standard Bearer as a comical figure was Émile Michel, the first author to write about the painting (1886), notes Bikker (Bikker, Vaandeldrager, 7 and 20).

  4. 4. See, among others, J. Bruyn et al., A Corpus of Rembrandt Paintings, vol. 2, 1631–1634 (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989), 224–231, no. A120; Ernst van de Wetering, ed., A Corpus of Rembrandt Paintings, vol. 4, Self-Portraits (Dordrecht: Springer, 2015), 554, no. 147; and Petria Noble et al., “Rembrandt’s Standard Bearer: New Findings from Imaging Analyses,” Rijksmuseum Bulletin 71, no. 2 (2023): 170–179.

  5. 5. This was emphasized in H. Perry Chapman, Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits: A Study in Seventeenth-Century Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), esp. chapters 1 and 2. See also H. Perry Chapman, “Rembrandt, Van Gogh: Rivalry and Emulation,” in Three Faces of Rembrandt, ed. Benjamin Leca, exh. cat. (Cincinnati: Cincinnati Art Museum, 2008), 17–49; and H. Perry Chapman, “Reclaiming the Inner Rembrandt: Passion and the Early Self-Portraits,” in “The Passions in the Arts of the Early Modern Netherlands,” ed. Stephanie Dickey and Herman Roodenburg, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 60 (2010): 233–239. See also n. 79 in this article.

  6. 6. For Amsterdam, see Norbert Middelkoop, “Schutters, gildebroeders, regenten en regentessen: Het Amsterdamse corporatiestuk 1525–1850,” 3 vols. (PhD diss., University of Amsterdam, 2019); Norbert Middelkoop et al., eds., “Amsterdamse schutterstukken: Inrichting en gebruik van de Doelengebouwen in de zeventiende eeuw,” Jaarboek Amstelodamum 150 (2013). For other cities, see Schutters in Holland: Kracht en zenuwen van de stad, ed. M. Carasso-Kok and J. Levy-van der Halm, exh. cat (Zwolle: Waanders in association with Frans Hals Museum, Haarlem, 1988).

  7. 7. Pieter van Thiel enumerated them in his entry on Rembrandt’s The Standard Bearer in Sally Salvesen and Henk Scheepmaker, eds., Rembrandt: De Meester & zijn Werkplaats, Schilderijen, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders in association with Gemäldegalerie SMPK, Berlin, 1991), 202.

  8. 8. Only one portrait is known to me of a schutter who does not wear a collar above the gorget: Rembrandt’s Portrait of Joris de Caullery (1632, Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco); see Wetering, Corpus, 4:516. This is unusual, since his dress is otherwise entirely contemporary.

  9. 9. In Cesare Vecellio, Degli Habiti Antichi et Moderni di Diverse Parti del Mondo (Venice: Sessa, 1598), we find Venetian, Prussian, Croatian, Hungarian, Polish, Moscovian, and Turkish merchants, aristocrats, and military men with such frogged closures (275, 284, 732, 736, 741, 759, 765, 811). See also n. 76 in this article.

  10. 10. Alison McNeil Kettering, “Gerard ter Borch’s Military Men: Masculinity Transformed,” in The Public and Private in Dutch Culture of the Golden Age, ed. Arthur K. Wheelock Jr. and Adele Seeff (Newark: University of Delaware Press), 104–110. The colorful dress of this stock character was directly related to hired soldiers in the army of the State.

  11. 11. The image on the banner (“Die diagonal gekreuzten Zweige mit den beiden Kronen auf dem Flammenhintergrund”) represents the symbol of the lansquenet: Birgit von Seggern, “Der Landsknecht im Spiegel der Renaissancegraphik um 1500–1540” (PhD diss., Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, Bonn, 2003), 144–146.

  12. 12. Of the earlier three, one is dated 1585, the other two ca. 1580–1584. The later one, engraved by Goltzius, is dated 1587 and the two engraved by De Gheyn are dated 1587 and 1589.

  13. 13. J. Bruyn et al., A Corpus of Rembrandt Paintings, vol. 3, 1635–1642 (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989), 229: “There seems to be a link with a 16th-century tradition—embodied in prints by Dürer (B. 57), Lucas van Leyden (B. 140) and Goltzius (B. 217, 218, 125)—of depicting ensigns as types of courage and contempt of death, as inscriptions on Goltzius prints suggest. Rembrandt’s painting has the 16th-century lansquenet costume in common with these prints.” However, Dürer’s and Lucas’s ensigns did not yet have the typical and elaborate lansquenet’s dress that developed shortly after (as in the Breu woodcut). Goltzius’s ensigns wear contemporary, highly fashionable dress that is entirely different from the lansquenet’s costume. See also Van Thiel, catalogue entry for The Standard Bearer in Salvesen and Scheepmaker, Rembrandt, 200–202.

  14. 14. Van Thiel, catalogue entry for The Standard Bearer in Salvesen and Scheepmaker, Rembrandt, 202. Translation from the Latin by Van Thiel. The same attitude is evident in, for example, Hans Sach’s poem accompanying the standard bearer in Erhard Schon’s woodcut A Column of Mercenaries; see Keith Moxey, Peasants, Warriors and Wives. Popular Imagery in the Reformation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 68–71.

  15. 15. For many examples of the lansquenet’s attire, see Von Seggern, Landsknecht, passim. The typical lansquenet’s garments are also magnificently represented in Pieter Breugel’s Three Lansquenets (1568; The Frick Collection, New York).

  16. 16. Volker Manuth, Marieke de Winkel, and Rudi van Leeuwen, Rembrandt: The Complete Paintings (Cologne: Taschen, 2019), 99–100. Marieke de Winkel had referred earlier to an etching by Filippo Napoletano, based on Breu’s woodcut: Marieke de Winkel, Fashion and Fancy: Dress and Meaning in Rembrandt’s Paintings (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006), 171–172; and Marieke de Winkel, “Rembrandt’s Clothes: Dress and Meaning in his Self-Portraits,” in Wetering, Corpus, 4:66–67. If Rembrandt was directly inspired by one of the two, it was Breu’s print, as the large braguette, the shape of the body, and the diagonal sash (instead of chain) testify.

  17. 17. Von Seggern, Landsknecht, 103, 600 (Appendix 2, series 2, no. 49). The print is no. 49 of a series of fifty woodcuts of lansquenets, commissioned by David de Necker and drawn between 1520 and 1530 by Christoph Amberger, Hans Burgkmair, Jörg Breu the Younger, and Hans Sebald Beham, but marketed much later by Joost de Necker (1575–1590), with names characterizing them and with short “speaking” poems by Hans Sachs.

  18. 18. Manuth, De Winkel, and Van Leeuwen, Rembrandt, 99. They do not elaborate on this acute observation. For a weak refutation of this idea, see Bikker, Vaandeldrager, 20–21, who maintains that contemporaries would have seen the figure as a paragon of virility and courage.

  19. 19. For the image of the lansquenet in sixteenth-century Germany, see, for example, Moxey, Peasants, 68–72.

  20. 20. In the bookkeeping for the year after the opening of the Amsterdam Schouwburg, 1639, we find “a Swiss costume” (een switsers kleet) for 52.18 guilders; this was undoubtedly a lansquenet-like costume that could be used both in comedies and in tragedies situated in the past.  J. A. Worp, Geschiedenis van den Amsterdamschen Schouwburg 1496–1772 (Amsterdam: S. L. van Looy, 1920), 90. See also Fr. W. S. van Thienen, Het doek gaat op: Vijfentwintig eeuwen in en om het Europese theater (Bussum: Unieboek, 1969), 1:253 (see also 1:152 and 1:201).

  21. 21. For the mix of old and contemporary elements, see Van Thienen, Doek gaat op, 1:253.

  22. 22. Around the same time, Jan Lievens painted Laughing Soldier’s Head, dated ca. 1626 by Bernhard Schnackenburg in Jan Lievens: Friend and Rival of the Young Rembrandt (Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2016), no. 41.

  23. 23. Other paintings are Musical Company (1626; Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam), a stiffer version; Young Man’s Head in Fantasy Dress with Golden Chain (1631; Toledo Museum of Art, Toledo) in black velvet (beret added ca. 1635); Elderly Man with Gorget and Gold Chain (ca. 1631/32; The Art Institute, Chicago); and the somewhat later Soldier with Gorget  (ca. 1636/37; Mauritshuis, The Hague); see Wetering, Corpus, vol. 6, nos. 11, 57, 58, 157. We see another type of notched beret in Self-Portrait as Soldier with a Gorget (ca. 1633–1636; Gemäldegalerie, Berlin), which was added at a later stage and probably not by Rembrandt (Wetering, Corpus, vol. 4, cat.no. 146). Remarkably, we also find it in his first painted portrait of Saskia, Laughing Saskia (1634; Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden); see Wetering, Corpus, vol. 6, no. 94). I will publish a separate article on this painting. In 1642, the large notched beret even ended up in The Night Watch on the heads of the swordsman, possibly Jan Adriaenssen Keijser, and of Jacob Jorisz, the drummer at the right; see S. A. C. Dudok van Heel, “Frans Banninck Cocq’s Troop in Rembrandt’s Nightwatch: Identification of the Guardsmen,” Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 57, no. 1 (2009): 57, 70–71. See also S. A. C. Dudok van Heel, “The Night Watch and the Entry of Maria de’Medici: A New Interpretation of the Original Place and Significance of the Painting,” Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 57, no. 1 (2009): 33. As in the theater, several of the militia men show a mix of elements from the first half of the sixteenth century and contemporary dress. Their clothing recalls the parades of the Chambers of Rhetoric at Landjuwelen (contests of rhetoricians), which also included a standard bearer, drummers, and sometimes (allegorical) swordsmen in fancy dress. See Egbert Haverkamp Begemann, Rembrandt: The Nightwatch (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 97–98, figs. 71–72; and Yvonne Bleyerveld, “De geschilderde intrede van de Dordtse Fonteynisten in Vlaardingen in 1616,” in Op de Hollandse Parnas: De Vlaardingse rederijkerswedstrijd van 1616, ed. Bart Ramakers (Zwolle: Waanders, 2006), 126–147, figs. 66, 89, 94, 95. See also the many fold-out engravings in Zacharias Heyns, Const-thoonende Iuweel (Zwolle: Zacharias Heyns, 1607).

  24. 24. Otto Benesch, The Drawings of Rembrandt (London: Phaidon, 1973), vol. 1, no. 100, verso of Lamentation of Christ. See the magnificent website by Martin Royalton-Kisch, The Drawings of Rembrandt: A Revision of Benesch’s Catalogue Raisonné, 2012– , https://rembrandtcatalogue.net, who accepts the drawing as by Rembrandt. See also Peter Schatborn and Erik Hinterding, Rembrandt: Drawings and Etchings (Cologne: Taschen, 2019), no. D31; and Royalton-Kisch, Drawings of Rembrandt, no. 529 (copy after Rembrandt?) and no. 528a (Ferdinand Bol?).

  25. 25. The literature on Caravaggio and the Caravaggisti often includes rather general references to the Commedia dell’Arte and to popular picaresque literature. See, for example, Gert Jan van der Sman, “Caravaggio and the Painters of the North,” in Caravaggio and the Painters of the North, ed. Gert Jan van der Sman, exh. cat. (Madrid: Museo Thyssen-Bornemisza, 2016), 15, 70, 120. It seems more likely that it had its roots in the real dress of (north) Italian bravi, which was partly a continuation of the lansquenets’ costume. See Rita Randolfi, “Bartolomeo Manfredi e la moda del tempo: Significati e cronologie,” in Caravaggio e il Caravaggismo, ed. Giovanna Capitelli and Caterina Volpi (Rome: Bagatto Libri, 1995), 175–182.

  26. 26. Schnackenburg, Lievens, no. 17 (The Leiden Collection, New York).

  27. 27. Schnackenburg, Lievens, no. 26 (North Carolina Museum of Art, Raleigh). For most Dutch painters, the dress in the theater would have been an important example (see n. 19 in this article).

  28. 28. On Lucelle, see also notes 32 and 75 in this article. On Molenaer’s depiction of the play’s last scene, see S. Gudlaugsson, “Bredero’s Lucelle door eenige zeventiende eeuwsche meesters uitgebeeld,” Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 1 (1947): 177–195.

  29. 29. See, for example, the reproductions in Jochai Rosen, Soldiers at Leisure: The Guardroom Scene in Dutch Genre Painting of the Golden Age (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University press, 2010); and Michiel P. van Maarseveen, ed., Beelden van een strijd: Oorlog en kunst vóór de Vrede van Munster 1621–1648, exh. cat (Zwolle, Waanders in association with Museum het Prinsenhof, Delft, 1998).

  30. 30. One of the last people always represented with a drooping moustache (albeit combined with a pointed beard) was the much-hated Duke of Alba; see, for example, political prints in James Tanis and Daniel Hors, eds., Images of Discord: A Graphic Interpretation of the Opening Decades of the Eighty Years’ War, exh. cat. (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans in association with Bryn Mawr College Library, 1993).

  31. 31. Another exception is The Italian Charlatans by Karel Dujardin (1657; Musée du Louvre, Paris). Almost all the male figures of Jacques Callot’s Les Gueux (The Bums) (ca. 1622–1623; etching) have unruly drooping moustaches combined with beards.

  32. 32. For example, the quack also wears the exotic dagger. Nothing similar can be found in the many pictures of lansquenets or other sixteenth- or seventeenth-century military men. Remarkably, the hilt of sword held by the Polish captain Baustruldes in Jan Miense Molenaer’s Lucelle (see fig. 19) looks nearly the same. Was this exotic saber a prop owned by the Nederduytsche Academie (after 1628 the Schouwburg)? Bredero’s Lucelle (1616) must have been performed many times in the 1620s and 1630s.

  33. 33. The Choleric by Pieter de Jode I, after Maarten de Vos, represents the titular figure as a dangerous lansquenet (with a codpiece); it was designed in the late sixteenth century, but it referred to an earlier period. In Zacharias Heyns’s costume book, only the peasant still wears a codpiece: Zacharias Heyns, Dracht-Thoneel waer op het fatsoen van meest alle de kleedren (Amsterdam: Zacharias Heyns, 1601), (no page nos.; p. 24 in pdf: https://books.google.nl/books?id=8X1oAAAAcAAJ&hl=nl), n.p. 

  34. 34. Samuel Pepys records that, when visiting the Tower of London, he was annoyed by the “frothiness” of the conversation of the king’s companions about the “codpieces on some of the men in armor there to be seen.” Samuel Pepys, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Robert Latham and William Matthews (Berkeley, CA: G. Bell & Sons, 1970), 3:265. I am grateful to the late Irene Groeneweg for bringing this to my attention.

  35. 35. See, for example, the “aroused” archer in Andries Stock’s engraving after Jacques de Gheyn II, The Archer and His Sweetheart (1608/12; engraving). In a remarkable print of a group of drinking and vomiting Pekelharings and Hansworsten by Cornelis van Kittensteyn, after Dirck Hals (Drinking “Nobles” Around a Table, 1650),  two codpieces can be seen.

  36. 36. Benesch, Drawings, no. 235; Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. D337 (dated by Schatborn ca. 1639).

  37. 37. Benesch, Drawings, nos. 293 recto, 293 verso, 295 recto, 296, and 297; all these drawings have been accepted by Martin Royalton-Kisch in his online catalogue (https://rembrandtcatalogue.net) and by Peter Schatborn in Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. D 249, 250, 251, 252, 255 (all dated by Schatborn ca. 1636). The comical Willem Ruyter as a Quack Doctor(?) with an Old Woman (Benesch, Drawings, nos. 280d, 235; Schatborn D248) seems to show a large purse instead of a codpiece.

  38. 38. Militia companies with white banners existed, but their flags were decorated with a coat of arms and ornaments in color or gold. See: J. W. Salomonson, “The Officers of the White Banner: A Civic Guard Portrait by Jacob Willemsz. Delff II,” Simiolus 18, nos. 1/2 (1988), 13–62. There is one other ensign with an all-white (or pale gray) flag in a painting by Jacob Ochterveld (1665; formerly Galerie Bruno Meissner); see Bikker, Vaandeldrager, fig. 11. Like Rembrandt’s work, this is a self-portrait with the artist acting a role; related are a number of small panels in which Ochtervelt painted himself in comic roles; see Susan Donahue Kuretsky, The Paintings of Jacob Ochtervelt (1634–1682) (Oxford: Phaidon, 1979), 63, and figs. 60, 61, 63, 64, 65).

  39. 39. I am grateful to the late Irene Groeneweg for this detail. This is also evinced by the 1616 commission to Jacob Delff to paint the banner for the Delft Officers of the White Banner, which is specified as nine yards of taffeta (see Salomonson, Officers, 54).

  40. 40. Wetering, Corpus, 4:584–586, no. 194.

  41. 41. I am grateful to Marike van Roon and Sanny de Zoete. The latter owns seventeenth-century bed linen, including a large sheet measuring 268 x 200 cm, probably made in Friesland, with a lengthwise ornamental band connecting two parts (as in fig. 29). When draped on a pole, the linen appears to fall in a similar way to the flag in Rembrandt’s painting.

  42. 42. The embroidered bands on extant bed linen from this period are much narrower than the one in Rembrandt’s painting, but the strip at the side of Danaë’s cushion also has an exceptional width. Sanny de Zoete is preparing a book with an extensive chapter on seventeenth-century bed linens. The only (very summary) literature to date is A. Meulenbelt-Nieuwburg, Onder de dekens, tussen de lakens . . . , exh. cat. (Arnhem: Rijksmuseum voor Volkskunde, 1981). The strip of embroidered ornament does not run along the upper border on The Standard Bearer’s flag, as one might think at first sight. Considering the length of the flagpole, it probably runs lengthwise in the middle.

  43. 43. My observations about The Standard Bearer’s appearance and banner rule out Bikker’s proposal that the owner might have belonged to the Delft company of the White Banner (based on the intriguing fact that a Standard Bearer by Rembrandt is mentioned in a Delft inventory of 1667). See Bikker, Vaandeldrager, 46.

  44. 44. About the play, see, among others, Pieter van Thiel, “Moeyaert and Bredero: a Curious Case of Dutch Theater as Depicted in Art,” Simiolus 6, no. 1 (1972–1973): 46. After the first edition of 1617, it was reprinted in 1620, 1633, and 1646 and also appeared in 1622, 1638, and 1644 in Bredero’s complete works. We know of seven performances in 1637, a year that the box-office receipts were recorded; see Ben Albach, “De schouwburg van Jacob van Campen,” Oud Holland 85, no. 1 (1970): 89. On the play’s popularity, see René van Stipriaan, “Bredero laat in zijn komedie Moortje de carnavaleske maskerade herleven,” in Een theatergeschiedenis der Nederlanden: Tien eeuwen drama en theater in Nederland en Vlaanderen, ed. R. L. Erenstein (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1996), 162–169; and René van Stipriaan, De hartenjager: Leven, werk en roem van Gerbrandt Adriaensz. Bredero (Amsterdam: Querido, 2018), 78–79.

  45. 45. Bredero transplanted the story to Amsterdam in the 1570s. P. Minderaa and C. A. Zaalberg, eds., De Werken van Gerbrand Adriaensz. Bredero: G. A. Bredero’s Moortje (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1984), 35–36 and 119. See the analysis of Moortje by M. A. Schenkeveld van der Dussen, “Moraal en karakter: Lezingen van Moortje,” in De nieuwe taalgids 78 (1985): 224–234.

  46. 46. I am grateful to Frans Blom for drawing my attention to the figure of Roemert. Several of Rembrandt’s “military” types seem related to the stock type of the ludicrous “captain” (see n. 108 in this article).

  47. 47. Minderaa and Zaalberg, Werken van Gerbrand Adriaensz. Bredero, 290–291, lines 2226–2228: “Waar blyven u hovaardighe Vaendraghers met haar Levreyen en Sluyers? / Recht nu u stangen op en ontwynt u slaaplakens, u schorteldoecken en luyers. / Wat so! set u volck eens te degen in haar ponctifikale volle krits.”

  48. 48. Compare the scene in which Thraso assembles an army in Terence, The Eunuch, trans. John Barsby (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University press, 2001), 403–404. A variation upon the association of banners with bedsheets can be found in Marilyn Monroe’s remark about producers: “Their banner was a bedsheet” (Michèle Dominici, dir., Becoming Marilyn, 2021).

  49. 49. Since the sixteenth century it has generally been used as such. In 1625, Hugo Grotius, in De jure belli ac pacis (On the Law of War and Peace), described the white flag as a “sign, to which use has given a signification,” as “a tacit sign of demanding a parley, and shall be as obligatory, as if expressed by words” (“White Flag,” Wikipedia.org, accessed July 1, 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_flag). At the surrender of Rotterdam on May 14, 1940, a bedsheet was used for safe passage of the negotiators; it still exists and is owned by Museum Rotterdam (https://museumrotterdam.nl/collectie/item/21063).

  50. 50. There might be many more relations with comedies and farces we do not recognize; see Elmer Kolfin, “De regte bootsenmakery: Tijdgenoten over grappige schilderijen uit de Gouden Eeuw,” in De kunst van het lachen: Humor in de Gouden Eeuw, ed. Anna Tummers, Elmer Kolfin, and Jasper Hillegers, exh. cat (Zwolle: Waanders in association with Frans Hals Museum, 2017), 33.

  51. 51. For Isaac Vos, see Frans Blom, Podium van de wereld: Creativiteit en ondernemen in de Amsterdamse Schouwburg van de zeventiende eeuw (Amsterdam: Querido, 2021), chapter 9, “Duelleren,” 228‒265, with further references.

  52. 52. The story has its origin in Boccaccio’s Decameron. See René van Stipriaan, Leugens en vermaak: Boccaccio’s novellen in de kluchtencultuur van de Nederlandse renaissance (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1996), 102–103. For comparisons between the German and Dutch texts, see J. A. Worp, “Isaac Vos,” Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde 3 (1883), 223–227.

  53. 53. For the performances, see the website “Pekelharing,” Onstage: Online Data System of Theater in Amsterdam, University of Amsterdam, accessed July 1, 2024, https://www.vondel.humanities.uva.nl/onstage/plays/335. For the complete text, see Isaac Vos, De klugtige tyd-verdryver (Utrecht: Simon de Vries, 1653), 205–216, via Ceneton, (Census Nederlands Toneel / Dutch Theater Census), “Lijst van toneelstukken die in Ceneton beschreven zijn,” updated February 24, 2024, Leiden University Department of Dutch Language and Culture, https://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/Dutch/Ceneton/LijstCeneton.html#095530.

  54. 54. See Ben Albach, “Pekelharing: Personage en potsenmaker,” Literatuur 7 (1990): 77–78.

  55. 55. See Benesch, Drawings, nos. 120, 230, 235, 280d (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. 256, 252, 255, 337); all are accepted by Royalton-Kisch (https://rembrandtcatalogue.net) and Schatborn. They can be dated ca. 1636, except for no. 235, which should be dated ca. 1638–1639. There are also two drawings attributed to pupils: Benesch, Drawings, no. 121, attributed to Govert Flinck by Royalton-Kisch and Schatborn; and no. 299r, attributed to Gerbrand van den Eeckhout by Royalton-Kisch and others. On Willem Ruyter, see S. A. C. Dudok van Heel, “Willem Bartel(omeus)sz Ruyters (1587–1639): Rembrandt’s bisschop Gosewijn,” Maandblad Amstelodamum 66 (1979): 83–87. Ruyter was “meester van de bataviersche of nederlantsche commedianten” (master of the Batavian or Dutch commedians), the first professional theater company in Holland, established in Leiden in 1617.

  56. 56. Benesch, Drawings, no. 293 verso (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. D249). The same actor also appears in Benesch, Drawings, no. 294 recto and verso, attributed by Royalton-Kisch (https://rembrandtcatalogue.net) to “Gerbrand van den Eeckhout?” and dated 1636–1640.

  57. 57. Benesch, Drawings, nos. 295 recto, 296, 297, no. 293 recto (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. D250, 252, 252, 248); all dated ca. 1635–1636 by Royalton-Kisch (https://rembrandtcatalogue.net) and ca. 1636 by Schatborn.

  58. 58. Benesch, Drawings, nos. 280d, 294, 418 recto, no. 416 (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. D255, 257, 258, 259); all ca. 1636. In contemporary farces, the quack appears, for example, in Barend Fonteyn’s Mr. Sullemans soete vriagi (Amsterdam: Dirck Cornelisz Houthaeck, 1633).

  59. 59. All of them on horseback, but undoubtedly actors in exotic costumes: Benesch, Drawings, nos. 367, 368, 360 verso (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. D304, 305, 461).

  60. 60. Benesch, Drawings, no. 230 (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. D254); see n. 55 in this article.

  61. 61. Among them Benesch, Drawings, nos. 100 verso, 230 (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. D31, 247) and Benesch, Drawings, no. 399 (Royalton-Kisch as Rembrandt, ca. 1635; not in cat. Schatborn and Hinterind, Rembrandt). Their fantasy dresses characterize them as actors. Some of these drawings are probably related to the so-called Prodigal Son in Dresden (fig. 40); see also the drawing attributed to Ferdinand Bol (Städel Museum, Frankfurt) (Benesch, Drawings, no. 529), which is related.

  62. 62. Dudok van Heel, “Willem Bartel(omeus)sz Ruyters,” 86; and Albach, “Pekelharing,” 75. Reynolds was married to a Dutch woman. 

  63. 63. S. A. C. Dudok van Heel, “Rembrandt and Frans Hals Painting in the Workshop of Hendrick Uylenburch,” in Rembrandt and His Circle: Insights and Discoveries, ed. Stephanie Dickey (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2017), 17–43.

  64. 64. Christopher D. M. Atkins, The Signature Style of Frans Hals: Painting, Subjectivity, and the Market in Early Modernity (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012), 147–157.

  65. 65. Theodorus Schrevelius, Harlemias, Ofte, om beter te seggen, de eerste Stichtinghe der Stadt Haerlem (Haarlem: Joannes Marshoorn, 1648), 383: “Deur een onghemeyne manier van schilderen, die hem eyghen is, by nae alle over-treft, want daer is in sijn schildery sulcke forse ende leven, dat hy te met de natuyr selfs schijnt te braveren met sijn Penceel, dat spreecken alle sijne Conterfeytsels, die hy ghemaeckt heeft, onghelooflijcke veel, die soo ghecoloreert zijn, datse schijnen asem van haer te gheven ende te leven.” See Atkins, Signature Style, chapter 1, “A Liveliness Uniquely His”, 23‒84.

  66. 66. In 1993 Dudok van Heel already assumed that Rembrandt might have studied Frans Hals’s standard bearer in The Meagre Company and would have considered it a challenge; see S. A. C. Dudok van Heel, “Rembrandt en de vaandrigs van de Amsterdamse schutterij: Diende Rembrandts ‘vaandeldrager’ uit 1636 als ‘modello’?,” Kroniek van het Rembrandthuis 2 (1993): 18. See also Dudok van Heel, “Rembrandt and Frans Hals,” 25.

  67. 67. Originally the fabric must have been more greenish; see Noble et al., “Standard Bearer,” 172–173.

  68. 68. Bikker maintains that considerable body fat was considered a sign of virile vitality (Bikker, Vaandeldrager, 26). However, in paintings of civic guard companies, corpulent men are truly exceptional, and in the rare cases a corpulent figure appears in one of the numerous depictions of military men in guardroom paintings, they are always explicitly meant as comical figures. Bikker refers to Goltzius’s painting Hercules and Cacus (1615; Frans Hals Museum, Haarlem) (Bikker, Vaandeldrager, fig. 26), but his body is of an entirely different (muscular) shape; although bulky, it is not corpulent. See n. 125 in this article.

  69. 69. On Hals’s distinctive virtuoso technique, see Atkins, Signature Style, esp. chapters 1 and 2.

  70. 70. On Rembrandt’s handeling and use of color, see, among others, Ernst van de Wetering, “Towards a Reconstruction of Rembrandt’s Art Theory,” in Wetering, Corpus, 4:3–140, 4:103–123; and Eric Jan Sluijter, Rembrandt’s Rivals: History Painting in Amsterdam 1630–1650 (Amsterdam: Benjamins Publishing Company, 2015), 59–70.

  71. 71. For copies, see Bruyn et al., Corpus, 3:230. Three are still known; see figs. 23 and 45 in this article and Bikker, Vaandeldrager, fig. 44.

  72. 72. For striking examples (from around the same time) of Rembrandt altering his face to fit a role, see Chapman, Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits, 42–43, figs. 54–59.

  73. 73. About the painting being a self-portrait, or not, see Schwartz, “Vaandeldrager.” Several authors of earlier catalogues (among them Gerson, Bauch, the Rembrandt Research Project, Wetering, and Manuth, De Winkel, and Van Leeuwen) denied it that status, though the latter two conceded that it showed Rembrandt’s features. Schwartz himself called it a “self-not-portrait” (zelf-niet-portret). Chapman, in Self-Portraits, 42–43, discussed it as a self-portrait.

  74. 74. See Self-Portrait with Soft Beret (1635–1636; National Gallery of Art); Benesch, Drawings, no. 437 recto, dated by Royalton-Kisch ca. 1634–1636 (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. D632, dated by Schatborn ca. 1637). For the etchings, see the related Self-Portrait with a Soft Beret (ca. 1634), Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. E210 (B. 2); Self-Portrait with a Raised Kris (1634), Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. E211 (B 18 II); and Self-Portrait with Saskia (1636), Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. E213 (B.19 I). See also the painted Self-Portrait of ca. 1637 in the Wallace Collection: Wetering, Corpus, vol. 6, no. 154, with a similar view from slightly below.

  75. 75. Long ago noted by Gudlaugsson, “Bredero’s Lucelle,” 185; and Kurt Bauch, Der frühe Rembrandt und seine Zeit (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1960), 176. See also Hans-Joachim Raupp, Untersuchungen zu Künstlerbildnis und Künstlerdarstellung in den Niederlanden im 17. Jahrhundert (Hildesheim: Olms, 1984), 176; Winkel, Fashion and Fancy, 66 and 67. Pictures of actors wearing stage costumes in the first decades of the seventeenth century are rare, since theater scenes depicted on title pages of plays are all of a later date. Two paintings by Jan Miense Molenaer of the last scene of Lucelle (see n. 28 and fig. 19 in this article) are unusual in this respect. For pictures of rederijkers’ costumes, see Bart Ramakers, ed., Op de Hollandse Parnas: De Vlaardingse rederijkerswedstrijd van 1616 (Zwolle: Waanders, 2006); and the fold-out prints in Heyns, Const-thoonende Iuweel. See also S. J. Gudlaugsson, De komedianten bij Jan Steen en zijn tijdgenoten (The Hague: Stols, 1945); and J. Q. van Regteren Altena, “Buitenlanders zien Amsterdam, voornamelijk rond 1634,” Jaarboek Amstelodamum 70 (1978): 170–185.

  76. 76. This seems to indicate that such drawings, like the etchings and paintings, were not entirely private but meant for the collections of art lovers. About the frogging, see n. 9, and see the figure of Capiteyn Baustruldes from Poland in Jan Miense Molenaer’s painting of Bredero’s Lucelle (fig. 19, at left). See also in Rembrandt’s drawing, Willem Ruyter with Three Other Actors as “Orientals” (Benesch, Drawings, no. 230), the second figure from the right. It is probably a characteristic of the “Poolse Rok” (Polish skirt) that had become familiar on the stage (Van Thienen, Doek gaat op, 1:253). The many examples of frogging in costume books and the use of them in paintings make clear that this kind of fastening was associated with Eastern European and Middle Eastern countries.

  77. 77. When discussing Rembrandt’s self-portraits one sets foot in a scholarly minefield; see, for example, Ernst van de Wetering, Corpus, 4:132–143; and Chapman, “Reclaiming,” 233–235. See also n. 83 in this article on the term tronie.

  78. 78. To avoid confusion, I do not use the concept of the tronie as a specific art historical category. About the original meaning and its modern use, see Dagmar Hirschfelder, Tronie und Porträt in der niederländischen Malerei des 17. Jarhunderts (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 2008); and Franziska Gottwald, Das Tronie: Muster, Studie und Meisterwerk: Die Genese einer Gattung der Malerei vom 15. Jahrhundert bis zu Rembrandt (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2011).

  79. 79. For a convincing refutation of such notions, see Chapman, “Rembrandt, Van Gogh,” 19–20, 28–29; and Chapman, “Reclaiming,” 236–238, 256–257. See also Chapman, “Introduction” and chapter 1 “Discovery of the Self” in Self-Portraits, 1-9 and 10-33. Such views on the function of Rembrandt’s self-portraits were forcefully enunciated since the 1990s by Eddy de Jongh and Ernst van de Wetering in particular. See, for example, Eddy de Jongh, “De mate van ikheid in Rembrandts zelfportretten,” Kunstschrift 6 (November–December 1991), 13–15, adamantly elaborated on by Ernst van de Wetering in “The Multiple Functions of Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits,” in Rembrandt by Himself, ed. Christopher White and Quentin Buvelot, exh. cat (Zwolle: Waanders in association with the National Gallery, London, 2000), 17–22 (and in some catalogue entries by Edwin Buijsen), and in Wetering, Corpus, 4:  xxv–xxiv, 132–139, 158, 172. See also Lyckle de Vries, “Tronies and Other Single-Figured Netherlandish Paintings,” in “Nederlandse Portretten: Bijdragen over de portretkunst in de Nederlanden uit de Zeventiende en Achttiende Eeuw,” ed. H. Blasse-Hegeman et al., Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 8 (1989): 197; Manuth, De Winkel, and Van Leeuwen, Rembrandt, 25; Gottwald, Tronie, 108–112; and Christopher Brown, “The Evolution of Rembrandt’s Early Style,” in Young Rembrandt, ed. Christopher Brown et al., exh. cat (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2019), 42.

  80. 80. Chapman, “Reclaiming,” 236–237. Between about 1628 and 1640, Rembrandt’s face appears in twenty-two paintings, twenty-four etchings and, surprisingly, in only four drawings: two of ca. 1628–1629 and two of ca. 1634–1636.

  81. 81. Joseph Leo Koerner, The Moment of Self-Portraiture in German Renaissance Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 9. When studying and fashioning one’s own face, Koerner writes, one does this “at once as viewing subject and as thing viewed, as representation’s origin as well as end.” This fundamentally distinguishes the act of self-portraying from looking at and depicting another person.

  82. 82. See Chapman, Self-Portraits, esp. chapters 1 and 2. The unconventionality was also emphasized by Arthur K. Wheelock Jr., “Rembrandt Inventing Himself,” in Rembrandt Creates Rembrandt, ed. Alan Chong, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders in association with the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston, 2000), 16–19.

  83. 83. As stated in n. 78 in this article. I avoid the use of the word tronie in the modern art historical sense of a category. Rembrandt sidesteps all traditional conventions, making novel kinds of self-representation.

  84. 84. See Schnackenburg, Lievens, nos. 6–8, 10–11 (Lievens’s earliest character-heads), 20–22, 41, 46, 47 (his earliest “Caravaggist” single figures).

  85. 85. In about 1622–1628, a series of prints by Lucas Vorsterman after Adriaen Brouwer was published. In a series of paintings of about 1634–1637, Brouwer even depicted faces of friends as such; see Karolien de Clippel, “Adriaen Brouwer, Portrait Painter: New Identifications and an Iconographic Novelty,” Simiolus 30, nos. 3/4 (2003): 204–212; Elmer Kolfin, “‘Het schuim des volks voor de bloem der natie’: Adriaen Brouwer en zijn publiek in de Nederlanden van de 17de eeuw,” in Adriaen Brouwer, Meester van Emoties: Tussen Rubens en Rembrandt, ed. Katrien Lichtert, exh. cat. (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press in association with MOU Museum, Oudenaerde, 2018), 127–138.

  86. 86. The pendants are at the Musée des Beaux Arts, Marseille. Finson’s self-portrait is dated 1613; the painting by Faber is dated 1614.

  87. 87. S. A .C. Dudok van Heel, De jonge Rembrandt onder tijdgenoten (Nijmegen: Nijmegen University Press, 2006), 84–85. Van Swanenburg had a close connection with Abraham Vinck (who lived with him in Hamburg and was a witness at his marriage in Naples); Vinck was a close friend and business partner of Finson in Naples and Amsterdam. On Finson and Vinck (and relations with Van Swanenburg), see Marije Osnabrugge, The Neapolitan Lives and Careers of Netherlandish Immigrant Painters (1575–1655) (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2019), Chapter 2 “Talent, Business and Friendship,” 63‒122.

  88. 88. On Finson’s career, see Osnabrugge, Neapolitan Lives, 63–115.

  89. 89. Jasper Hillegers drew my attention to two paintings by Jan Lievens: Hunter with Dead Birds and Farmer with a Spade, from a series titled Four Elements and Ages of Men (ca. 1625/26; Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Kassel), which show in several respects remarkable similarities to these works. For Lievens’s paintings, see Schnackenburg, Lievens, nos. 23 and 24.

  90. 90. Martin Faber, also naked to the waist, holds over his shoulder, like a weapon, a maulstick with brushes tied to it, in the manner of a bundle of Roman fasces. One wonders if they depicted themselves—as if for a carnival-like pageant—as people of savage northern tribes, the Belgae and the Frisii respectively. In the inscription Finson identifies himself as Belga Brugensis and Faber as Emdensis Frisius.

  91. 91. Finson’s self-portrait betrays knowledge of Caravaggio’s Self-Portrait as Bacchus (the so-called Bacchino Malato). Giovanni Baglione writes around 1625 that in his youth Caravaggio “made some other small pictures which were drawn from his own reflection in a mirror. The first was a Bacchus with bunches of various kinds of grapes. . . . He also painted a boy bitten by a lizard which emerges from some flowers and fruits. The boy actually seems to cry out and the whole is carefully executed.” Walter Friedländer, Caravaggio Studies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), 234. Chapman, in Self-Portraits, 19, pointed out that Caravaggio also painted his own face to study the passions.

  92. 92. About Rembrandt’s attitude toward Caravaggio, see H. Perry Chapman, “Rembrandt and Caravaggio: A Question of Emulation,” in Aemulatio. Imitation and Invention in Netherlandish Art from 1500 to 1800: Essays in Honor of Eric Jan Sluijter, ed. Anton W. A. Boschloo et al. (Zwolle: Waanders, 2011), 182–194. It is possible that copies of Caravaggio’s self-portrayals were in Amsterdam.

  93. 93. Van de Wetering dates it ca. 1628 (Corpus, vol. 4, no. 18). Dated in the same year are Study in the Mirror of the Human Skin (Indianapolis Museum of Art) and Lighting Study in the Mirror (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam); Wetering, Corpus, vol. 4, nos. 19 and 20 (the titles are Wetering’s). Manuth, De Winkel, and Van Leeuwen place the three paintings in the same sequence; Manuth, De Winkel, and Van Leeuwen, Rembrandt, nos. 142–144.

  94. 94. It is possible that one or more copies or replicas of one of Von Aachen’s self-portraits were in Amsterdam. Pieters Isaacsz owned a copy by Van Aachen himself of his Madona Laura and a self-portrait that Von Aachen had sent him; see Karel van Mander, Het Leven der Doorluchtighe Nederlandtsche en Hooghduytsche Schilders, in Het Schilder-Boeck (Haarlem: Paschier van Wesbusch, 1603–04), fols. 290r and 291r. Isaacsz might have made copies after Von Aachen when he was his pupil in Italy. On Isaacsz, see Badeloch Noldus and Juliette Roding, eds., Pieter Isaacsz (1568–1625): Court Painter, Art Dealer and Spy (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 75–92. Regarding Rembrandt’s later Prodigal Son in Dresden (fig. 40), there might have been a copy after the one made in Rome with “Madon[n]a Venusta” (see n. 115 in this article). Rembrandt’s pose in the Laughing Self-Portrait (fig. 38) is remarkably similar to Von Aachen’s second work.

  95. 95. Since a laughing (self-)portrait was something entirely new and unusual, Van Mander underscores twice that it showed a laughing face (see n. 96 and 97 in this article). Around the same time, we find in the early work of Annibale Carracci a laughing youngster of about 1582, probably a comedian (Galleria Borghese, Roma), and a painting of a very young laughing man (ca. 1588‒1590); Collection Lauro-Bona, Bologna). See Daniele Benati and Eugenio Riecòmini, Annibale Carracci, exh. cat (Milan: Mondadori Electa in association with Museo Civico, Bologna, 2006), nos. II, 9, and 10.

  96. 96. Van Mander, Leven, 289v–290r. “. . . maeckte hy onder ander zijn eyghen Conterfeytsel uyt den Spieghel al lacchende, oft een lacchende tronie, welcke uytnemende verwrocht en wonder fraey gedaen was” ([Von Aachen] made . . . his own portrait from the mirror while laughing, or a laughing face, which was excellently crafted      and amazingly beautiful). This portrait, made in Venice, has been lost; see Thomas Fusenig, ed., Hans von Aachen (1552–1615): Court Artist in Europe, exh. cat. (Berlin and Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag in association with Suermondt Ludwig Museum, Aachen, 2010), 88 and 263. See also Hessel Miedema, ed., Karel van Mander: The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters (Doornspijk: Van Coevorden, 1994–1999), 5:251–252.

  97. 97. Van Mander, Leven, fol. 290 r.: “Hy heeft noch hem selven lacchende wijse geconterfeyt, oock neffens hem een Vrouw-mensch, Madona [sic] Venusta geheeten, spelende op een Luyt en hy achter haer staende met een schaels Wijns in d’handt” ([Von Aachen] portrayed himself laughing with and standing next to a woman, named Madon[n]a Venusta, playing the lute; he is standing behind her with a wine coupe in his hand). Stephanie Dickey discussed the painting extensively in relation to the etched Laughing Self-Portrait of 1630 and the so-called Prodigal Son (fig. 40). Rembrandt’s painted Laughing Self-Portrait of ca. 1628 (fig. 38), had not yet surfaced at that time; Stephanie Dickey, “Strategies of Self-Portraiture from Hans von Aachen to Rembrandt,” in Hans von Aachen in Context, ed. Lubomír Konecný and Stephan Vácha (Prague: Artefactum, 2012), 71–81.

  98. 98. Van Mander, Leven, fol. 290v: “den meesten en oppersten Const-beminder van de gantsche Weerelt.”

  99. 99. On Rembrandt’s early success with connoisseurs, see, among others, Eric Jan Sluijter, Rembrandt and the Female Nude (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006), 25–27, with further references. Stephanie Dickey earlier suggested that since Rembrandt was seeking patronage at Frederik Hendrick’s court, Von Aachen’s laughing self-portraiture would have been an inspiring example (Dickey, “Strategies,” 77).

  100. 100. On laughing about folly as a confirmation of norms, see Kolfin, “Regte Bootsenmakery,” 26–41, with further references. Von Aachen’s laughing self-portrait was a success; he painted himself like this probably even for the emperor Rudolph II in the Laughing Self-Portrait with a Courtesan (ca. 1596: Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna); see Fusenig, Von Aachen, no. 77.

  101. 101. About this stereotype, see Karel van Mander, Den Grondt der Edel vry Schilder-const, in Schilder-Boeck, cap. 1, verse 23 and 24. Also see Hessel Miedema, ed., Karel van Mander: Den Grondt der edel vry schilder-const (Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1973), 2:372. In the introductory poem to Philip Angel’s Lof der Schilder-konst, painters are extensively described as drunkards, pub-crawlers, and merrymakers; Philips Angel, Lof der Schilder-Konst (Leiden: Willem Christiaens, 1642), 3. Later, Arnold Houbraken complains that in the previous century, painters drank too much; Arnold Houbraken, De Groote Schouburgh der Nederlantsche Konstschilder en Schilderessen (Amsterdam: Arnold Houbraken, 1718–1721), 3:248. Much information regarding texts and images of smoking, drinking, and carousing artists can be found in Ingrid A. Cartwright, “Hoe schilder hoe wilder: Dissolute Self-Portraits in Seventeenth-Century Dutch and Flemish Art” (PhD diss., University of Maryland, 2007), esp. chapters 3 and 4.

  102. 102. In many self-portrayals, references to vanity and transience are more or less explicitly present; see Raupp, Untersuchungen zu Künstlerbildnis, chapter 2.2 “Pictura vana,” 266–287; and Eric Jan Sluijter, “The Painter’s Pride: The Art of Capturing Transience in Self-Portraits from Isaac van Swanenburgh to David Bailly,” in Modelling the Individual: Biography and Portrait in the Renaissance, ed. Karl Enenkel, Betsy de Jong-Crane, and Peter Libregts (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1998), 172–196.

  103. 103. Van Mander, Leven, 61v (introduction to the lives of painters from antiquity): “wat mach beter rijmen op de schoon gestaltenis desen Jongelings in de Cristallinige clare fonteyne schaduwende, dan een constich geschildert Beelt uytnemende wel na t’leven gedaan, van een geleerde hant eens Const-rijcke Schilder?” (What can be more similar to the image of the beautiful appearance of this young man [Narcissus] in the reflecting crystal clear well, than a skillfully painted image excellently done from life, by the learned hand of an artful painter?). He adds that this is a wonderful comparison, “bevindende onse Conste alree de schaduw van het ’t rechte wesen, en den schijn van het zijn vergeleken” (considering that our art has already been compared to the shadow of true nature and the appearance of being). Samuel van Hoogstraten repeats Van Mander’s text quoted above; Samuel van Hoogstraten, Inleiding tot de hooge schoole der schilderkonst (Rotterdam: François van Hoogstraten, 1678), 25. See Eric Jan Sluijter, “In Praise of the Art of Painting,” in Eric Jan Sluijter, Seductress of Sight: Studies in Dutch Art of the Golden Age (Zwolle: Waanders, 2000), 252. About “deceit of the eye” (oogbedrog) in general, see Eric Jan Sluijter, Seductress, 9–13.

  104. 104. Rembrandt depicted his own laughing face, aware of his vanity, not only in one of his first self-portrayals but also in one of his last: Self-Portrait as the Laughing Zeuxis (ca. 1663; Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne). In interpretations by Albert Blankert and Ernst van de Wetering, the importance of the notion of vanity has been ignored: Albert Blankert, “Rembrandt, Zeuxis and Ideal Beauty,” in Albert Blankert, Selected Writings on Dutch Painting: Rembrandt, Van Beke, Vermeer and Others (Zwolle: Waanders, 2004), 251–259; Wetering, Corpus 4:556–559.

  105. 105. Rembrandt’s first self-portrait with a gorget shows his uninhibitedly laughing face. Although Chapman has argued for the patriotic connotations for this portrait, such connotations for many of the portraits with a gorget seems doubtful to me. See Chapman, Self-Portraits, 36–45; the painting in the Getty Museum had not yet surfaced when Chapman wrote her book.

  106. 106. I borrow the term “transgressive self-portrait” from Stephanie Dickey (Dickey, “Strategies,” 72). A striking comparison with Rembrandt’s painting is the laughing self-portrait by the young David de Haen (ca. 1617–1619; Private collection). He is holding a palette, but his theatrical dress has the large, round buttons of a fool’s costume; the corners are decorated with vine leaves, indicating the Bentvueghels’ ideology that creativity was fueled by wine. On De Haen, see Wayne Franits, The Paintings of Dirck van Baburen (Amsterdam: Benjamins Publishing Company, 2013), 12–19, nos. R 16, R 21. On the Bentvueghels and wine, see, among others, Annick Lemoine, “Sous les auspices de Bacchus: La Rome des bas-fonds, du Caravage aux Bentvueghels,” in Les Bas-fonds du baroque: La Rome du vice et de la misère, ed. Francesca Cappelletti and Annick Lemoine, exh. cat. (Milan: Officina Libraria in association with the Académie de France, Rome, 2014), 23–42 and 155, fig. f.

  107. 107. Van Mander, Grondt, fol. 33 verso, verse 53. “… sietmen expresse / Glanzen en schijnen teghenstaen en keeren, / . . .” Lievens had used the gorget in 1624/25 for a soldier in his painting, Tric-Trac Players (Spier Collection, London); Schnackenburg, Lievens, 169–170, no. 9) and again in his so-called Portrait of Rembrandt of ca. 1629 (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam); Schnackenburg, Lievens, 256–258, no. 74), and for a tronie of around the same time (Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Dresden); Schnackenburg, Lievens, 261, no. 76). The gorget was not part of the costume of “Caravaggist” soldiers and bravi. There is one tronie by Rubens of a young man with a gorget (Private collection); see Nico van Hout, Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burckhard, vol. 20, part 2, Study Heads (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 2020), 1:126–127, no. 36b, and vol. 2, fig. 122. A replica/copy might have been a source of inspiration (the pose might confirm a relation, especially when Rembrandt’s small self-portrayal of 1629 [Alte Pinakothek, Munich] is considered as well). Rembrandt could have seen actual officers wearing a gorget in Leiden and painted ones in Joris van Schooten’s pictures of the Leiden Militia (1626; Lakenhal, Leiden).

  108. 108. The tradition goes back as far as the Greek comedy writer Menander. Erasmus mentions the soldier as one of the types with a fixed decorum in comedies (decorum commune); others are the amorous young man, the coaxing courtesan, the critical old man, etc. See Jeroen Jansen, Decorum: Observaties over de literaire gepastheid in de renaissancistische poëtica (Hilversum: Verloren, 2001), 256–263. Pyrgopolynices in Plautus’s Miles Gloriosus and Thraso from Terentius’s Eunuchusi were prototypical. The latter was the most popular play in Latin schools, where Rembrandt might have become familiar with this figure; on school plays, see Anneke G. C. Fleurkens, “Schooltoneel tijdens de renaissance: Meer dan vrije expressie,” Literatuur 5 (1988): 75–82; and Jan Bloemendal, Spiegel van het dagelijks leven? Latijnse school en toneel in de Noordelijke Nederlanden in de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw (Hilversum: Verloren, 2003), 31–33. Thraso was the model for Bredero’s Hopman Roemert (see n. 46 in this article).

  109. 109. Minderaa and Zaalberg, Werken van Gerbrand Adriaensz. Bredero, 122: “Inhoudt van ’tspel van de Moor” (Content of the play about the Moor): “… de meer als sotte vermetelheyt van den hovaerdighen en overdwaalschen Kapiteyn, van welcker eyghen behaaglycke mallicheyt een yder hem spieghele, en bekenne syne gebreken in aller ootmoedicheyt.”

  110. 110. Ernst van de Wetering sees it as Rembrandt just using himself as the most patient model (see n. 79 in this article); Ernst van de Wetering, “Rembrandt Laughing, ca. 1628: A Painting Resurfaces,” Kroniek van het Rembrandthuis (2007), 18–40, esp. 35–36.

  111. 111. Seymour Slive, Frans Hals (London: Phaidon, 1974), vol. 2, nos. 64 and 65, dated by Slive ca. 1628–1630. See also Noel Schiller, in Tummers, Kolfin, and Hillegers, Kunst van het lachen, 78–80, with further references. The model for the portrayals of Pekelharing seems to be the same actor (depicted in “blackface”) as the Merry Drinker in the Rijksmuseum (Christopher Atkins in a talk at a symposium at the Frans Hals Museum, January 8, 2022).

  112. 112. See Sluijter, Rivals, 27–59. These include Abraham’s Sacrifice (1635; Hermitage, St. Petersburg), Samson Threatening his Father-in-Law (ca. 1635; Staatliche Gemäldegalerie, Berlin), and Belshazzar’s Feast (ca. 1635; The National Gallery, London).

  113. 113. See Kolfin, “Regte Bootsenmakery.”

  114. 114. My paper on this painting (“Rembrandt’s ‘Prodigal Son’ in Dresden (1635) and Comedy”), originally presented at the Rembrandt conference in Herstmonceux July 7, 2023, will be published as an article in 2025. For several decades, the painting has been titled Self-Portrait as the Prodigal Son in the Tavern.

  115. 115. In 1984, Gary Schwartz suggested a connection with Van Mander’s description of Von Aachen’s Self-Portrait with “donna Venusta”; Gary Schwartz, Rembrandt: Zijn leven, zijn schilderijen (Maarssen: Gary Schwartz, 1984), 192. This was elaborated on by Ernst van de Wetering in Corpus, 4:228–229; and Dickey, “Strategies,” 77–79 (see n. 94 in this article). Hans-Joachim Raupp identified Von Aachen’s painting as a precursor to Rembrandt’s work; Raupp, Untersuchungen, 315; and Chapman, Self-Portraits, 118. In 2015, Wetering saw Rembrandt emulating Van Mander’s description as the raison d’être of Rembrandt’s painting.

  116. 116. See Elmer Kolfin, The Young Gentry at Play: Northern Netherlandish Scenes of Merry Companies 1610–1645 (Leiden: Primavera, 2005), esp. 248.

  117. 117. See notes 101 and 106 in this article.

  118. 118. Wetering, Corpus, 4, nos. 18 (ca. 1627/28; J. Paul Getty Museum), 19 (ca. 1627/28; Indianapolis Museum of Art), 30 (ca. 1629; Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremburg, and Mauritshuis, The Hague), 96 (1633, Musée du Louvre, Paris), 134 (1635; Buckland Abbey, National Trust), 135 (ca. 1635; Gemäldegalerie, Dresden), and 146 (ca. 1633–36; Gemäldegalerie, Berlin).

  119. 119. Respectively Wetering, Corpus, 4, nos. 19 (ca. 1627/28; Indianapolis Museum of Art), 20 (ca. 1628; Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam), 29 (1629; Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston), 31 (1629; Alte Pinakothek, Munich), 69 (1632; Private collection), 122 (1634; Private collection), 123 (1634; Gemäldegalerie, Berlin), 134 (1635; Buckland Abbey, National Trust), and 146 (1633–36; Gemäldegalerie, Berlin).

  120. 120. Bruyn et al., Corpus, 3: no. C 92, reattributed by Wetering to Rembrandt: Wetering, Corpus, 4:604, Corrigenda III, no. C92, see also 232–238; and Corpus, 4:545, no. 134. Although he attributed it to Rembrandt, Wetering still kept the heading of the entry as “Rembrandt (and workshop?).” I consider it a work by Rembrandt, to which someone in the studio might have contributed the feathers and mantle.

  121. 121. Self-portrait with Gorget (ca. 1629; Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg) and Self-portrait with Gorget (ca. 1629;  Mauritsthuis, The Hague). In the Mauritshuis version, Rembrandt moved the head to an even more upright position to emphasize haughtiness. See Eric Jan Sluijter, “The Tronie of a Young Officer with a Gorget in the Mauritshuis: A Second Version by Rembrandt Himself?” Oud Holland 114, nos. 2/4 (2000): 188–194.

  122. 122. Van Mander, Grondt, fol. 25v., cap. 6, verse 32.

  123. 123. For Saskia’s dress with a transparent veil, compare the drawing of a woman in theater dress in the Lugt Collection, Fondation Custodia, Paris (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. D336, dated ca. 1639). See also the woman in De Gheyn’s print, Music Making and Dancing Buffoons (fig. 18).

  124. 124. Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Kassel. The signature and date are probably non-authentic, according to Bruyn et al., Corpus, 2:529, no. A72, even though 1634 is the most likely date for the painting. They accepted the face, helmet, gorget, and scarf as by Rembrandt. Wetering, in Corpus, 4:216–217, considered it a workshop product; it was also de attributed by Gerson and Grimm. In accordance with Bruyn, I am quite convinced that the face, helmet, plumes, gorget, and scarf are by Rembrandt himself, in contrast to the coarsely painted cloak and background.

  125. 125. Apart from comical peasants, beggars, and quacks, such overweight male bodies appear in Rembrandt’s paintings as elderly biblical kings (with negative associations), such as Saul, Cyrus, Belshazzar, Uzziah, or the high priest in Judas Repentant; and in his drawings and prints as elderly Eastern European and “Oriental” figures (or actors in such roles). Twice he depicted a portly Eastern potentate with his own features, apparently in comical roles: in Self-Portrait with Poodle (1631; Musée du Petit Palais, Paris) and in the etched Self-Portrait as “Oriental” Leaning on a Sabre (fig. 13). See also n. 68 in this article.

  126. 126. Constantijn Huygens, “Een Comediant,” in Zedeprinten (1623), published online by Leiden University Department of Dutch Language and Culture, accessed June 30, 2024, https://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/Dutch/Huygens/HUYG23.html#CH1623015: “En onder ‘tmommen-hooft steeckt noch de selve mann.”

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———. De komedianten bij Jan Steen en zijn tijdgenoten. The Hague: Stols, 1945.

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———. Dracht-Thoneel waer op het fatsoen van meest alle de kleedren. Amsterdam: Zacharias Heyns, 1601.

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———. Tronie und Porträt in der niederländischen Malerei des 17. Jarhunderts. Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 2008.

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———. Portretten van echt en trouw. Exh. cat. Zwolle: Waanders in association with Frans Hals Museum, Haarlem, 1986.

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———. “Schutters, gildebroeders, regenten en regentessen: Het Amsterdamse corporatiestuk 1525–1850.” 3 vols. PhD diss., University of Amsterdam, 2019.

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———. Karel van Mander: The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters. 6 vols. Doornspijk: Van Coevorden, 1994–1999.

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———. Soldiers at Leisure: The Guardroom Scene in Dutch Genre Painting of the Golden Age. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2010.

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———. Rembrandt and the Female Nude. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006.

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List of Illustrations

Schutters company attending the presentation of Rembrandt’s The Standard Bearer at the Bonnefantenmuseum in Maastricht, March 11, 2023
Fig. 1 Schutters company attending the presentation of Rembrandt’s The Standard Bearer at the Bonnefantenmuseum in Maastricht, March 11, 2023. Photo: Rob Oostwegel, De Limburger [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt van Rijn, The Standard Bearer, 1636, oil on canvas, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 2 Rembrandt van Rijn, The Standard Bearer, 1636, oil on canvas, 118.8 x 96.8 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Evert van der Maes, Willem Janszn Cock, 1617, oil on canvas, Haags Historisch Museum, The Hague
Fig. 3 Evert van der Maes, Willem Janszn Cock, 1617, oil on canvas, 200 x 103 cm. Haags Historisch Museum, The Hague (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Cristoph Krieger after Cesare Vecellio, The Hungarian, woodcut, in Degli Habiti Antichi..., (Venice: 1590), The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York
Fig. 4 Cristoph Krieger after Cesare Vecellio, The Hungarian, woodcut, 16.7 x 12.5 cm. illustrated in Cesare Vecellio, Degli Habiti Antichi et moderni di Diverse Parti del Mondo (Venice: 1590), The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York [side-by-side viewer]
Willem Duyster, Tric-Trac Playing Officers, oil on panel transferred to canvas, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 5 Willem Duyster, Tric-Trac Playing Officers, oil on panel transferred to canvas, 31.1 x 41 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam (artwork in the public domain) [side-by-side viewer]
Albrecht Dürer, Standard Bearer, ca. 1499–1503, engraving, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 6 Albrecht Dürer, Standard Bearer, ca. 1499–1503, engraving, 11.6 x 7.2 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Lucas van Leyden, Standard Bearer, ca. 1508–1512, engraving, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 7 Lucas van Leyden, Standard Bearer, ca. 1508–1512, engraving, 11.8 x 7 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Hendrick Goltzius, Standard Bearer, 1585, engraving, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 8 Hendrick Goltzius, Standard Bearer, 1585, engraving, 21.3 x 15.5 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Hendrick Goltzius, Standard Bearer, 1587, engraving, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 9 Hendrick Goltzius, Standard Bearer, 1587, engraving, 28.7 x 19.3 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Pieter Isaacsz, Civic Guard Company of Jacob Hoynck and Wybrand Appelman, 1596, oil on canvas, Amsterdam Museum, Amsterdam
Fig. 10 Pieter Isaacsz, Civic Guard Company of Jacob Hoynck and Wybrand Appelman, 1596, oil on canvas, 171 x 502 cm. Amsterdam Museum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Detail of part of the second leaf, representing the Standard Bearers of the Parade,
Fig. 11 Jacob Savery the Elder, Triumphal Entry of Leicester in The Hague, 1587, etching (consisting of 12 leafs), 16.1 x 387.4 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. Detail of part of the second leaf, representing the Standard Bearers of the Parade, ca. 15 cm. [side-by-side viewer]
Jörg Breu the Younger, Lansquenet, “Stoffel Allweg vol,” ca. 1520–1530, woodcut
Fig. 12 Jörg Breu the Younger, Lansquenet, “Stoffel Allweg vol,” ca. 1520–1530, published between 1575 and 1590 by Joost de Necker, no. 49, woodcut, 28 x 17 cm, Image courtesy www.imageselect.eu [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Quack Selling His Wares, 1635, etching, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 14 Rembrandt, Quack Selling His Wares, 1635, etching, 7.8 x 3.6 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Eastern European Potentate Leaning on a Sabre, 1634, etching, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 13 Rembrandt, Eastern European Potentate Leaning on a Sabre, 1634, etching, 19.7 x 16.3 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Man with Gorget and Plumed Beret, ca. 1626/1627, oil on panel, Private Collection
Fig. 15 Rembrandt, Man with Gorget and Plumed Beret, ca. 1626/1627, oil on panel, 40 x 49.4 cm. Private Collection [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Three Sketches of a Soldier Fondling a Woman, ca. 1635, pen and brown ink on paper, Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 16 Rembrandt, Three Sketches of a Soldier Fondling a Woman, ca. 1635, pen and brown ink on paper,  17.3 x 15.5 cm. Kupferstichkabinett, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin [side-by-side viewer]
Jan Lievens, The Banquet of Esther, ca. 1625, oil on canvas, North Carolina Museum of Art, Raleigh
Fig. 17 Jan Lievens, The Banquet of Esther, ca. 1625, oil on canvas, 163.8 x 130.8 cm. North Carolina Museum of Art, Raleigh [side-by-side viewer]
Jacques de Gheyn II, Music Making and Dancing Buffoons, ca. 1595/96, engraving, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 18 Jacques de Gheyn II, Music Making and Dancing Buffoons, ca. 1595/96, engraving, 23.8 x 17.1 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Jan Miense Molenaer, The Final Scene of Bredero’s Lucelle, 1639, oil on panel, Bijzondere Collecties (Collection Theater Institute Netherlands), University of Amsterdam
Fig. 19 Jan Miense Molenaer, The Final Scene of Bredero’s Lucelle, 1639, oil on panel, 81 x 100 cm. Bijzondere Collecties (Collection Theater Institute Netherlands), University of Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Pieter Brueghel the Younger, Shouting Lansquenet (Ira?), oil on panel, Musée Fabre, Montpellier
Fig. 20 Pieter Brueghel the Younger, Shouting Lansquenet (Ira?), oil on panel, 16 cm diam. Musée Fabre, Montpellier [side-by-side viewer]
Jan van de Velde II, The Drinker, etching and engraving, 1633, in Samuel Ampzing, Spigel ofte Toneel... (Amsterdam, 1633), Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 21 Jan van de Velde II, The Drinker, etching and engraving, 1633, 17 x 11.7 cm. In Samuel Ampzing, Spigel ofte Toneel der Ydelheid ende Ongebondenheid onser Eeuw (Amsterdam, 1633), Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Pissing Vagabond, 1630, etching, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 22 Rembrandt, Pissing Vagabond, 1630, etching, 82 x 48 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Copy after Rembrandt (Ferdinand Bol?), The Standard Bearer, ca. 1636–1640, pen and India ink and wash, The British Museum, London
Fig. 23 Copy after Rembrandt (Ferdinand Bol?), The Standard Bearer, ca. 1636–1640, pen and India ink and wash, 22 x 17.1 cm. The British Museum, London, © The Trustees of the British Museum [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 24 Willem Isaacsz van Swanenburg after David Vinckboons, Village Kermess, ca. 1610, engraving, 44.5 x 71.2 cm, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam. Detail of a group of rhetoricians in costume preparing to go on stage [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, The Actor Willem Ruyter in a Peasant Role, ca. 1638–1639, pen and brown ink, Victoria and Albert Museum, London
Fig. 25 Rembrandt, The Actor Willem Ruyter in a Peasant Role, ca. 1638–1639, pen and brown ink, 17.7 x 14 cm. Victoria and Albert Museum, London [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Actor in the Role of Pantalone, ca. 1636, pen and brush in brown, Kunsthalle, Hamburg
Fig. 26 Rembrandt, Actor in the Role of Pantalone, ca. 1636, pen and brush in brown, 18.5 x 11.9 cm. Kunsthalle, Hamburg [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 27 Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer (fig. 2), detail of the banner’s strip of embroidered ornament [side-by-side viewer]
Danae
Fig. 28 Rembrandt, Danaë, 1636–ca. 1643, oil on canvas, 185 x 203 cm. Hermitage, St. Petersburg. Image from Wikimedia Commons [side-by-side viewer]
Draped corner of a luxury bedsheet of fine linen, 17th century, probably made in Friesland, Private Collection
Fig. 29 Draped corner of a luxury bedsheet of fine linen, 17th century, probably made in Friesland, 268 x 200 cm. Private collection [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 30 Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer (fig. 2), detail of the folds of the standard bearer’s banner [side-by-side viewer]
Frans Hals and Pieter Codde, Civic Guard Company of Reinier Reael and Cornelis Michielsz Blaeuw (the “Meagre Company”), begun 1634, finished and dated 1637, oil on canvas, Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam
Fig. 31 Frans Hals and Pieter Codde, Civic Guard Company of Reinier Reael and Cornelis Michielsz Blaeuw (the “Meagre Company”), begun 1634, finished and dated 1637, oil on canvas, 209 x 429 cm. Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 32 Frans Hals and Pieter Codde,  The “Meagre Company”(fig. 32), detail of Nicolaes van Bambeeck as standard bearer [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 33 Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer (fig. 2), detail of the standard bearer’s head and dress [side-by-side viewer]
Fig. 34 Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer (fig. 2), detail of the standard bearer’s (Rembrandt’s) face [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Soft Beret, ca. 1637, red chalk, National Gallery of Art, Washington
Fig. 35 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Soft Beret, ca. 1637, red chalk, 12.9 x 11.9 cm. National Gallery of Art, Washington [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Open Mouth, ca. 1629, pen and brown ink, gray brushwork, The British Museum, London
Fig. 36 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Open Mouth, ca. 1629, pen and brown ink, gray brushwork, 12.7 x 9.5 cm. The British Museum, London [side-by-side viewer]
Louis Finson, Self-Portrait, 1613 or 1614, oil on canvas, Musée des Beaux Arts, Marseille
Fig. 37 Louis Finson, Self-Portrait, 1613 or 1614, oil on canvas, 81 x 62 cm. Musée des Beaux Arts, Marseille [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Laughing Self-Portrait with a Gorget, ca. 1628, oil on copper, J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles
Fig. 38 Rembrandt, Laughing Self-Portrait with a Gorget, ca. 1628, oil on copper, 22.2 x 17.1 cm. J. Paul Getty Museum, Los Angeles [side-by-side viewer]
Hans von Aachen, Laughing Self-Portrait with “Donna Venusta,” ca. 1580–1585, oil on canvas, Private Collection, Italy
Fig. 39 Hans von Aachen, Laughing Self-Portrait with “Donna Venusta,” ca. 1580–1585, oil on canvas, 112 x 88 cm. Private Collection, Italy [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Saskia as a Soldier and His Sweetheart in a Tavern (or The Prodigal Son in the Tavern), ca. 1635, oil on canvas, Gemäldegalerie, Dresden
Fig. 40 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Saskia as a Soldier and His Sweetheart in a Tavern (or The Prodigal Son in the Tavern), ca. 1635, oil on canvas, 161 x 131 cm. Gemäldegalerie, Dresden [side-by-side viewer]
Frans Hals, Pekelharing (“Mulatto”), ca. 1628, oil on canvas, Museum der bildenden Künste, Leipzig
Fig. 41 Frans Hals, Pekelharing (“Mulatto”), ca. 1628, oil on canvas, 72 x 57.5 cm. Museum der bildenden Künste, Leipzig [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt and Workshop, Self-Portrait as “Polish” Captain, 1635, oil on canvas, Buckland Abbey, National Trust.
Fig. 42 Rembrandt and Workshop, Self-Portrait as “Polish” Captain, 1635, oil on canvas, 90.5 x 71.8 cm. Buckland Abbey, National Trust. Copyright Buckland Abbey; Supplied by The Public Catalogue Foundation [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Saskia, 1636, etching, The British Museum, London
Fig. 43 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Saskia, 1636, etching, 10.4 x 9.4 cm. The British Museum, London [side-by-side viewer]
Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Soft Beret and Fur Collar, 1634, oil on canvas, Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin
Fig. 44 Rembrandt, Self-Portrait with Soft Beret and Fur Collar, 1634, oil on canvas, 70.8 x 55.2 cm. Gemäldegalerie, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin [side-by-side viewer]
Copy after Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer, ca. 1636–1640?, oil on canvas, Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Kassel
Fig. 45 Copy after Rembrandt, The Standard Bearer, ca. 1636–1640?, oil on canvas, 112 x 89 cm. Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Kassel [side-by-side viewer]

Footnotes

  1. 1. The painting was bought by the Rijksmuseum for 175 million euros. The Ministry of Education, Culture and Science contributed 150 million euros, the Vereniging Rembrandt (Rembrandt Association) 15 million, and the Rijksmuseum Fund and other institutions 10 million. Wieteke van Zeil wrote the first excellent and critical reaction in a newspaper: “Nederland koopt voor 175 miljoen een Rembrandt: Heeft het Rijksmuseum echt een vaandeldrager nodig?” De Volkskrant, December 8, 2021. See also Gary Schwartz, “De Vaandeldrager: Dure aankoop met Rembrandts eigen tronie,” NRC, January 15–16, 2021; Sjeng Scheijen, “Musea jagen windhandel in de kunst aan,” NRC, December 10, 2021; Pieter van Os, “De schilder en het nationalisme: Rembrandt als vlag,” De Groene Amsterdammer, May 25, 2022; and Eric Jan Sluijter, “IJdele kwast,” De Volkskrant, April 29, 2022.

  2. 2. The painting was also promoted as an artistic breakthrough, a turning point in Rembrandt’s oeuvre, a work with which he made his mark in Amsterdam, a missing link in the Rijkmuseum, and Rembrandt’s most important work in private hands. See, for example, the booklet that appeared when the painting began its tour through museums on May 1, 2022: Taco Dibbets et al., De vaandeldrager van Rembrandt (Amsterdam: Vereniging Rembrandt and Rijksmuseum, 2022), 14, 35, 36, 56, 65, 77, 79. The video accompanying the tour of the painting voiced the same arguments. In 2023, Jonathan Bikker’s text in the above-mentioned booklet was republished with more illustrations: Jonathan Bikker, Rembrandt: De Vaandeldrager (Amsterdam: Rijksmuseum, 2023). More recently a TV program was made about the contribution of the Vereniging Rembrandt: Oeke Hoogendijk, “De Vereniging Rembrandt, een uitzonderlijk jaar,” Het uur van de wolf, NTR, aired January 10, 2024.

  3. 3. I follow Ernst Gombrich’s advice to first establish the category (“the primacy of genre”); Ernst Gombrich, Symbolic Images: Studies in the Art of the Renaissance (London: Phaidon, 1972), 1–7. A peer reviewer pointed out this useful tool to clarify my approach. The only one who saw The Standard Bearer as a comical figure was Émile Michel, the first author to write about the painting (1886), notes Bikker (Bikker, Vaandeldrager, 7 and 20).

  4. 4. See, among others, J. Bruyn et al., A Corpus of Rembrandt Paintings, vol. 2, 1631–1634 (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989), 224–231, no. A120; Ernst van de Wetering, ed., A Corpus of Rembrandt Paintings, vol. 4, Self-Portraits (Dordrecht: Springer, 2015), 554, no. 147; and Petria Noble et al., “Rembrandt’s Standard Bearer: New Findings from Imaging Analyses,” Rijksmuseum Bulletin 71, no. 2 (2023): 170–179.

  5. 5. This was emphasized in H. Perry Chapman, Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits: A Study in Seventeenth-Century Identity (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), esp. chapters 1 and 2. See also H. Perry Chapman, “Rembrandt, Van Gogh: Rivalry and Emulation,” in Three Faces of Rembrandt, ed. Benjamin Leca, exh. cat. (Cincinnati: Cincinnati Art Museum, 2008), 17–49; and H. Perry Chapman, “Reclaiming the Inner Rembrandt: Passion and the Early Self-Portraits,” in “The Passions in the Arts of the Early Modern Netherlands,” ed. Stephanie Dickey and Herman Roodenburg, Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 60 (2010): 233–239. See also n. 79 in this article.

  6. 6. For Amsterdam, see Norbert Middelkoop, “Schutters, gildebroeders, regenten en regentessen: Het Amsterdamse corporatiestuk 1525–1850,” 3 vols. (PhD diss., University of Amsterdam, 2019); Norbert Middelkoop et al., eds., “Amsterdamse schutterstukken: Inrichting en gebruik van de Doelengebouwen in de zeventiende eeuw,” Jaarboek Amstelodamum 150 (2013). For other cities, see Schutters in Holland: Kracht en zenuwen van de stad, ed. M. Carasso-Kok and J. Levy-van der Halm, exh. cat (Zwolle: Waanders in association with Frans Hals Museum, Haarlem, 1988).

  7. 7. Pieter van Thiel enumerated them in his entry on Rembrandt’s The Standard Bearer in Sally Salvesen and Henk Scheepmaker, eds., Rembrandt: De Meester & zijn Werkplaats, Schilderijen, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders in association with Gemäldegalerie SMPK, Berlin, 1991), 202.

  8. 8. Only one portrait is known to me of a schutter who does not wear a collar above the gorget: Rembrandt’s Portrait of Joris de Caullery (1632, Fine Arts Museums of San Francisco); see Wetering, Corpus, 4:516. This is unusual, since his dress is otherwise entirely contemporary.

  9. 9. In Cesare Vecellio, Degli Habiti Antichi et Moderni di Diverse Parti del Mondo (Venice: Sessa, 1598), we find Venetian, Prussian, Croatian, Hungarian, Polish, Moscovian, and Turkish merchants, aristocrats, and military men with such frogged closures (275, 284, 732, 736, 741, 759, 765, 811). See also n. 76 in this article.

  10. 10. Alison McNeil Kettering, “Gerard ter Borch’s Military Men: Masculinity Transformed,” in The Public and Private in Dutch Culture of the Golden Age, ed. Arthur K. Wheelock Jr. and Adele Seeff (Newark: University of Delaware Press), 104–110. The colorful dress of this stock character was directly related to hired soldiers in the army of the State.

  11. 11. The image on the banner (“Die diagonal gekreuzten Zweige mit den beiden Kronen auf dem Flammenhintergrund”) represents the symbol of the lansquenet: Birgit von Seggern, “Der Landsknecht im Spiegel der Renaissancegraphik um 1500–1540” (PhD diss., Rheinischen Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universität, Bonn, 2003), 144–146.

  12. 12. Of the earlier three, one is dated 1585, the other two ca. 1580–1584. The later one, engraved by Goltzius, is dated 1587 and the two engraved by De Gheyn are dated 1587 and 1589.

  13. 13. J. Bruyn et al., A Corpus of Rembrandt Paintings, vol. 3, 1635–1642 (Dordrecht: Martinus Nijhoff, 1989), 229: “There seems to be a link with a 16th-century tradition—embodied in prints by Dürer (B. 57), Lucas van Leyden (B. 140) and Goltzius (B. 217, 218, 125)—of depicting ensigns as types of courage and contempt of death, as inscriptions on Goltzius prints suggest. Rembrandt’s painting has the 16th-century lansquenet costume in common with these prints.” However, Dürer’s and Lucas’s ensigns did not yet have the typical and elaborate lansquenet’s dress that developed shortly after (as in the Breu woodcut). Goltzius’s ensigns wear contemporary, highly fashionable dress that is entirely different from the lansquenet’s costume. See also Van Thiel, catalogue entry for The Standard Bearer in Salvesen and Scheepmaker, Rembrandt, 200–202.

  14. 14. Van Thiel, catalogue entry for The Standard Bearer in Salvesen and Scheepmaker, Rembrandt, 202. Translation from the Latin by Van Thiel. The same attitude is evident in, for example, Hans Sach’s poem accompanying the standard bearer in Erhard Schon’s woodcut A Column of Mercenaries; see Keith Moxey, Peasants, Warriors and Wives. Popular Imagery in the Reformation (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989), 68–71.

  15. 15. For many examples of the lansquenet’s attire, see Von Seggern, Landsknecht, passim. The typical lansquenet’s garments are also magnificently represented in Pieter Breugel’s Three Lansquenets (1568; The Frick Collection, New York).

  16. 16. Volker Manuth, Marieke de Winkel, and Rudi van Leeuwen, Rembrandt: The Complete Paintings (Cologne: Taschen, 2019), 99–100. Marieke de Winkel had referred earlier to an etching by Filippo Napoletano, based on Breu’s woodcut: Marieke de Winkel, Fashion and Fancy: Dress and Meaning in Rembrandt’s Paintings (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006), 171–172; and Marieke de Winkel, “Rembrandt’s Clothes: Dress and Meaning in his Self-Portraits,” in Wetering, Corpus, 4:66–67. If Rembrandt was directly inspired by one of the two, it was Breu’s print, as the large braguette, the shape of the body, and the diagonal sash (instead of chain) testify.

  17. 17. Von Seggern, Landsknecht, 103, 600 (Appendix 2, series 2, no. 49). The print is no. 49 of a series of fifty woodcuts of lansquenets, commissioned by David de Necker and drawn between 1520 and 1530 by Christoph Amberger, Hans Burgkmair, Jörg Breu the Younger, and Hans Sebald Beham, but marketed much later by Joost de Necker (1575–1590), with names characterizing them and with short “speaking” poems by Hans Sachs.

  18. 18. Manuth, De Winkel, and Van Leeuwen, Rembrandt, 99. They do not elaborate on this acute observation. For a weak refutation of this idea, see Bikker, Vaandeldrager, 20–21, who maintains that contemporaries would have seen the figure as a paragon of virility and courage.

  19. 19. For the image of the lansquenet in sixteenth-century Germany, see, for example, Moxey, Peasants, 68–72.

  20. 20. In the bookkeeping for the year after the opening of the Amsterdam Schouwburg, 1639, we find “a Swiss costume” (een switsers kleet) for 52.18 guilders; this was undoubtedly a lansquenet-like costume that could be used both in comedies and in tragedies situated in the past.  J. A. Worp, Geschiedenis van den Amsterdamschen Schouwburg 1496–1772 (Amsterdam: S. L. van Looy, 1920), 90. See also Fr. W. S. van Thienen, Het doek gaat op: Vijfentwintig eeuwen in en om het Europese theater (Bussum: Unieboek, 1969), 1:253 (see also 1:152 and 1:201).

  21. 21. For the mix of old and contemporary elements, see Van Thienen, Doek gaat op, 1:253.

  22. 22. Around the same time, Jan Lievens painted Laughing Soldier’s Head, dated ca. 1626 by Bernhard Schnackenburg in Jan Lievens: Friend and Rival of the Young Rembrandt (Petersberg: Michael Imhof, 2016), no. 41.

  23. 23. Other paintings are Musical Company (1626; Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam), a stiffer version; Young Man’s Head in Fantasy Dress with Golden Chain (1631; Toledo Museum of Art, Toledo) in black velvet (beret added ca. 1635); Elderly Man with Gorget and Gold Chain (ca. 1631/32; The Art Institute, Chicago); and the somewhat later Soldier with Gorget  (ca. 1636/37; Mauritshuis, The Hague); see Wetering, Corpus, vol. 6, nos. 11, 57, 58, 157. We see another type of notched beret in Self-Portrait as Soldier with a Gorget (ca. 1633–1636; Gemäldegalerie, Berlin), which was added at a later stage and probably not by Rembrandt (Wetering, Corpus, vol. 4, cat.no. 146). Remarkably, we also find it in his first painted portrait of Saskia, Laughing Saskia (1634; Staatliche Kunstsammlungen Dresden); see Wetering, Corpus, vol. 6, no. 94). I will publish a separate article on this painting. In 1642, the large notched beret even ended up in The Night Watch on the heads of the swordsman, possibly Jan Adriaenssen Keijser, and of Jacob Jorisz, the drummer at the right; see S. A. C. Dudok van Heel, “Frans Banninck Cocq’s Troop in Rembrandt’s Nightwatch: Identification of the Guardsmen,” Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 57, no. 1 (2009): 57, 70–71. See also S. A. C. Dudok van Heel, “The Night Watch and the Entry of Maria de’Medici: A New Interpretation of the Original Place and Significance of the Painting,” Bulletin van het Rijksmuseum 57, no. 1 (2009): 33. As in the theater, several of the militia men show a mix of elements from the first half of the sixteenth century and contemporary dress. Their clothing recalls the parades of the Chambers of Rhetoric at Landjuwelen (contests of rhetoricians), which also included a standard bearer, drummers, and sometimes (allegorical) swordsmen in fancy dress. See Egbert Haverkamp Begemann, Rembrandt: The Nightwatch (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982), 97–98, figs. 71–72; and Yvonne Bleyerveld, “De geschilderde intrede van de Dordtse Fonteynisten in Vlaardingen in 1616,” in Op de Hollandse Parnas: De Vlaardingse rederijkerswedstrijd van 1616, ed. Bart Ramakers (Zwolle: Waanders, 2006), 126–147, figs. 66, 89, 94, 95. See also the many fold-out engravings in Zacharias Heyns, Const-thoonende Iuweel (Zwolle: Zacharias Heyns, 1607).

  24. 24. Otto Benesch, The Drawings of Rembrandt (London: Phaidon, 1973), vol. 1, no. 100, verso of Lamentation of Christ. See the magnificent website by Martin Royalton-Kisch, The Drawings of Rembrandt: A Revision of Benesch’s Catalogue Raisonné, 2012– , https://rembrandtcatalogue.net, who accepts the drawing as by Rembrandt. See also Peter Schatborn and Erik Hinterding, Rembrandt: Drawings and Etchings (Cologne: Taschen, 2019), no. D31; and Royalton-Kisch, Drawings of Rembrandt, no. 529 (copy after Rembrandt?) and no. 528a (Ferdinand Bol?).

  25. 25. The literature on Caravaggio and the Caravaggisti often includes rather general references to the Commedia dell’Arte and to popular picaresque literature. See, for example, Gert Jan van der Sman, “Caravaggio and the Painters of the North,” in Caravaggio and the Painters of the North, ed. Gert Jan van der Sman, exh. cat. (Madrid: Museo Thyssen-Bornemisza, 2016), 15, 70, 120. It seems more likely that it had its roots in the real dress of (north) Italian bravi, which was partly a continuation of the lansquenets’ costume. See Rita Randolfi, “Bartolomeo Manfredi e la moda del tempo: Significati e cronologie,” in Caravaggio e il Caravaggismo, ed. Giovanna Capitelli and Caterina Volpi (Rome: Bagatto Libri, 1995), 175–182.

  26. 26. Schnackenburg, Lievens, no. 17 (The Leiden Collection, New York).

  27. 27. Schnackenburg, Lievens, no. 26 (North Carolina Museum of Art, Raleigh). For most Dutch painters, the dress in the theater would have been an important example (see n. 19 in this article).

  28. 28. On Lucelle, see also notes 32 and 75 in this article. On Molenaer’s depiction of the play’s last scene, see S. Gudlaugsson, “Bredero’s Lucelle door eenige zeventiende eeuwsche meesters uitgebeeld,” Nederlands Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 1 (1947): 177–195.

  29. 29. See, for example, the reproductions in Jochai Rosen, Soldiers at Leisure: The Guardroom Scene in Dutch Genre Painting of the Golden Age (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University press, 2010); and Michiel P. van Maarseveen, ed., Beelden van een strijd: Oorlog en kunst vóór de Vrede van Munster 1621–1648, exh. cat (Zwolle, Waanders in association with Museum het Prinsenhof, Delft, 1998).

  30. 30. One of the last people always represented with a drooping moustache (albeit combined with a pointed beard) was the much-hated Duke of Alba; see, for example, political prints in James Tanis and Daniel Hors, eds., Images of Discord: A Graphic Interpretation of the Opening Decades of the Eighty Years’ War, exh. cat. (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans in association with Bryn Mawr College Library, 1993).

  31. 31. Another exception is The Italian Charlatans by Karel Dujardin (1657; Musée du Louvre, Paris). Almost all the male figures of Jacques Callot’s Les Gueux (The Bums) (ca. 1622–1623; etching) have unruly drooping moustaches combined with beards.

  32. 32. For example, the quack also wears the exotic dagger. Nothing similar can be found in the many pictures of lansquenets or other sixteenth- or seventeenth-century military men. Remarkably, the hilt of sword held by the Polish captain Baustruldes in Jan Miense Molenaer’s Lucelle (see fig. 19) looks nearly the same. Was this exotic saber a prop owned by the Nederduytsche Academie (after 1628 the Schouwburg)? Bredero’s Lucelle (1616) must have been performed many times in the 1620s and 1630s.

  33. 33. The Choleric by Pieter de Jode I, after Maarten de Vos, represents the titular figure as a dangerous lansquenet (with a codpiece); it was designed in the late sixteenth century, but it referred to an earlier period. In Zacharias Heyns’s costume book, only the peasant still wears a codpiece: Zacharias Heyns, Dracht-Thoneel waer op het fatsoen van meest alle de kleedren (Amsterdam: Zacharias Heyns, 1601), (no page nos.; p. 24 in pdf: https://books.google.nl/books?id=8X1oAAAAcAAJ&hl=nl), n.p. 

  34. 34. Samuel Pepys records that, when visiting the Tower of London, he was annoyed by the “frothiness” of the conversation of the king’s companions about the “codpieces on some of the men in armor there to be seen.” Samuel Pepys, The Diary of Samuel Pepys, ed. Robert Latham and William Matthews (Berkeley, CA: G. Bell & Sons, 1970), 3:265. I am grateful to the late Irene Groeneweg for bringing this to my attention.

  35. 35. See, for example, the “aroused” archer in Andries Stock’s engraving after Jacques de Gheyn II, The Archer and His Sweetheart (1608/12; engraving). In a remarkable print of a group of drinking and vomiting Pekelharings and Hansworsten by Cornelis van Kittensteyn, after Dirck Hals (Drinking “Nobles” Around a Table, 1650),  two codpieces can be seen.

  36. 36. Benesch, Drawings, no. 235; Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. D337 (dated by Schatborn ca. 1639).

  37. 37. Benesch, Drawings, nos. 293 recto, 293 verso, 295 recto, 296, and 297; all these drawings have been accepted by Martin Royalton-Kisch in his online catalogue (https://rembrandtcatalogue.net) and by Peter Schatborn in Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. D 249, 250, 251, 252, 255 (all dated by Schatborn ca. 1636). The comical Willem Ruyter as a Quack Doctor(?) with an Old Woman (Benesch, Drawings, nos. 280d, 235; Schatborn D248) seems to show a large purse instead of a codpiece.

  38. 38. Militia companies with white banners existed, but their flags were decorated with a coat of arms and ornaments in color or gold. See: J. W. Salomonson, “The Officers of the White Banner: A Civic Guard Portrait by Jacob Willemsz. Delff II,” Simiolus 18, nos. 1/2 (1988), 13–62. There is one other ensign with an all-white (or pale gray) flag in a painting by Jacob Ochterveld (1665; formerly Galerie Bruno Meissner); see Bikker, Vaandeldrager, fig. 11. Like Rembrandt’s work, this is a self-portrait with the artist acting a role; related are a number of small panels in which Ochtervelt painted himself in comic roles; see Susan Donahue Kuretsky, The Paintings of Jacob Ochtervelt (1634–1682) (Oxford: Phaidon, 1979), 63, and figs. 60, 61, 63, 64, 65).

  39. 39. I am grateful to the late Irene Groeneweg for this detail. This is also evinced by the 1616 commission to Jacob Delff to paint the banner for the Delft Officers of the White Banner, which is specified as nine yards of taffeta (see Salomonson, Officers, 54).

  40. 40. Wetering, Corpus, 4:584–586, no. 194.

  41. 41. I am grateful to Marike van Roon and Sanny de Zoete. The latter owns seventeenth-century bed linen, including a large sheet measuring 268 x 200 cm, probably made in Friesland, with a lengthwise ornamental band connecting two parts (as in fig. 29). When draped on a pole, the linen appears to fall in a similar way to the flag in Rembrandt’s painting.

  42. 42. The embroidered bands on extant bed linen from this period are much narrower than the one in Rembrandt’s painting, but the strip at the side of Danaë’s cushion also has an exceptional width. Sanny de Zoete is preparing a book with an extensive chapter on seventeenth-century bed linens. The only (very summary) literature to date is A. Meulenbelt-Nieuwburg, Onder de dekens, tussen de lakens . . . , exh. cat. (Arnhem: Rijksmuseum voor Volkskunde, 1981). The strip of embroidered ornament does not run along the upper border on The Standard Bearer’s flag, as one might think at first sight. Considering the length of the flagpole, it probably runs lengthwise in the middle.

  43. 43. My observations about The Standard Bearer’s appearance and banner rule out Bikker’s proposal that the owner might have belonged to the Delft company of the White Banner (based on the intriguing fact that a Standard Bearer by Rembrandt is mentioned in a Delft inventory of 1667). See Bikker, Vaandeldrager, 46.

  44. 44. About the play, see, among others, Pieter van Thiel, “Moeyaert and Bredero: a Curious Case of Dutch Theater as Depicted in Art,” Simiolus 6, no. 1 (1972–1973): 46. After the first edition of 1617, it was reprinted in 1620, 1633, and 1646 and also appeared in 1622, 1638, and 1644 in Bredero’s complete works. We know of seven performances in 1637, a year that the box-office receipts were recorded; see Ben Albach, “De schouwburg van Jacob van Campen,” Oud Holland 85, no. 1 (1970): 89. On the play’s popularity, see René van Stipriaan, “Bredero laat in zijn komedie Moortje de carnavaleske maskerade herleven,” in Een theatergeschiedenis der Nederlanden: Tien eeuwen drama en theater in Nederland en Vlaanderen, ed. R. L. Erenstein (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1996), 162–169; and René van Stipriaan, De hartenjager: Leven, werk en roem van Gerbrandt Adriaensz. Bredero (Amsterdam: Querido, 2018), 78–79.

  45. 45. Bredero transplanted the story to Amsterdam in the 1570s. P. Minderaa and C. A. Zaalberg, eds., De Werken van Gerbrand Adriaensz. Bredero: G. A. Bredero’s Moortje (Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1984), 35–36 and 119. See the analysis of Moortje by M. A. Schenkeveld van der Dussen, “Moraal en karakter: Lezingen van Moortje,” in De nieuwe taalgids 78 (1985): 224–234.

  46. 46. I am grateful to Frans Blom for drawing my attention to the figure of Roemert. Several of Rembrandt’s “military” types seem related to the stock type of the ludicrous “captain” (see n. 108 in this article).

  47. 47. Minderaa and Zaalberg, Werken van Gerbrand Adriaensz. Bredero, 290–291, lines 2226–2228: “Waar blyven u hovaardighe Vaendraghers met haar Levreyen en Sluyers? / Recht nu u stangen op en ontwynt u slaaplakens, u schorteldoecken en luyers. / Wat so! set u volck eens te degen in haar ponctifikale volle krits.”

  48. 48. Compare the scene in which Thraso assembles an army in Terence, The Eunuch, trans. John Barsby (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University press, 2001), 403–404. A variation upon the association of banners with bedsheets can be found in Marilyn Monroe’s remark about producers: “Their banner was a bedsheet” (Michèle Dominici, dir., Becoming Marilyn, 2021).

  49. 49. Since the sixteenth century it has generally been used as such. In 1625, Hugo Grotius, in De jure belli ac pacis (On the Law of War and Peace), described the white flag as a “sign, to which use has given a signification,” as “a tacit sign of demanding a parley, and shall be as obligatory, as if expressed by words” (“White Flag,” Wikipedia.org, accessed July 1, 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/White_flag). At the surrender of Rotterdam on May 14, 1940, a bedsheet was used for safe passage of the negotiators; it still exists and is owned by Museum Rotterdam (https://museumrotterdam.nl/collectie/item/21063).

  50. 50. There might be many more relations with comedies and farces we do not recognize; see Elmer Kolfin, “De regte bootsenmakery: Tijdgenoten over grappige schilderijen uit de Gouden Eeuw,” in De kunst van het lachen: Humor in de Gouden Eeuw, ed. Anna Tummers, Elmer Kolfin, and Jasper Hillegers, exh. cat (Zwolle: Waanders in association with Frans Hals Museum, 2017), 33.

  51. 51. For Isaac Vos, see Frans Blom, Podium van de wereld: Creativiteit en ondernemen in de Amsterdamse Schouwburg van de zeventiende eeuw (Amsterdam: Querido, 2021), chapter 9, “Duelleren,” 228‒265, with further references.

  52. 52. The story has its origin in Boccaccio’s Decameron. See René van Stipriaan, Leugens en vermaak: Boccaccio’s novellen in de kluchtencultuur van de Nederlandse renaissance (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1996), 102–103. For comparisons between the German and Dutch texts, see J. A. Worp, “Isaac Vos,” Tijdschrift voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde 3 (1883), 223–227.

  53. 53. For the performances, see the website “Pekelharing,” Onstage: Online Data System of Theater in Amsterdam, University of Amsterdam, accessed July 1, 2024, https://www.vondel.humanities.uva.nl/onstage/plays/335. For the complete text, see Isaac Vos, De klugtige tyd-verdryver (Utrecht: Simon de Vries, 1653), 205–216, via Ceneton, (Census Nederlands Toneel / Dutch Theater Census), “Lijst van toneelstukken die in Ceneton beschreven zijn,” updated February 24, 2024, Leiden University Department of Dutch Language and Culture, https://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/Dutch/Ceneton/LijstCeneton.html#095530.

  54. 54. See Ben Albach, “Pekelharing: Personage en potsenmaker,” Literatuur 7 (1990): 77–78.

  55. 55. See Benesch, Drawings, nos. 120, 230, 235, 280d (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. 256, 252, 255, 337); all are accepted by Royalton-Kisch (https://rembrandtcatalogue.net) and Schatborn. They can be dated ca. 1636, except for no. 235, which should be dated ca. 1638–1639. There are also two drawings attributed to pupils: Benesch, Drawings, no. 121, attributed to Govert Flinck by Royalton-Kisch and Schatborn; and no. 299r, attributed to Gerbrand van den Eeckhout by Royalton-Kisch and others. On Willem Ruyter, see S. A. C. Dudok van Heel, “Willem Bartel(omeus)sz Ruyters (1587–1639): Rembrandt’s bisschop Gosewijn,” Maandblad Amstelodamum 66 (1979): 83–87. Ruyter was “meester van de bataviersche of nederlantsche commedianten” (master of the Batavian or Dutch commedians), the first professional theater company in Holland, established in Leiden in 1617.

  56. 56. Benesch, Drawings, no. 293 verso (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. D249). The same actor also appears in Benesch, Drawings, no. 294 recto and verso, attributed by Royalton-Kisch (https://rembrandtcatalogue.net) to “Gerbrand van den Eeckhout?” and dated 1636–1640.

  57. 57. Benesch, Drawings, nos. 295 recto, 296, 297, no. 293 recto (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. D250, 252, 252, 248); all dated ca. 1635–1636 by Royalton-Kisch (https://rembrandtcatalogue.net) and ca. 1636 by Schatborn.

  58. 58. Benesch, Drawings, nos. 280d, 294, 418 recto, no. 416 (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. D255, 257, 258, 259); all ca. 1636. In contemporary farces, the quack appears, for example, in Barend Fonteyn’s Mr. Sullemans soete vriagi (Amsterdam: Dirck Cornelisz Houthaeck, 1633).

  59. 59. All of them on horseback, but undoubtedly actors in exotic costumes: Benesch, Drawings, nos. 367, 368, 360 verso (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. D304, 305, 461).

  60. 60. Benesch, Drawings, no. 230 (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. D254); see n. 55 in this article.

  61. 61. Among them Benesch, Drawings, nos. 100 verso, 230 (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, nos. D31, 247) and Benesch, Drawings, no. 399 (Royalton-Kisch as Rembrandt, ca. 1635; not in cat. Schatborn and Hinterind, Rembrandt). Their fantasy dresses characterize them as actors. Some of these drawings are probably related to the so-called Prodigal Son in Dresden (fig. 40); see also the drawing attributed to Ferdinand Bol (Städel Museum, Frankfurt) (Benesch, Drawings, no. 529), which is related.

  62. 62. Dudok van Heel, “Willem Bartel(omeus)sz Ruyters,” 86; and Albach, “Pekelharing,” 75. Reynolds was married to a Dutch woman. 

  63. 63. S. A. C. Dudok van Heel, “Rembrandt and Frans Hals Painting in the Workshop of Hendrick Uylenburch,” in Rembrandt and His Circle: Insights and Discoveries, ed. Stephanie Dickey (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2017), 17–43.

  64. 64. Christopher D. M. Atkins, The Signature Style of Frans Hals: Painting, Subjectivity, and the Market in Early Modernity (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012), 147–157.

  65. 65. Theodorus Schrevelius, Harlemias, Ofte, om beter te seggen, de eerste Stichtinghe der Stadt Haerlem (Haarlem: Joannes Marshoorn, 1648), 383: “Deur een onghemeyne manier van schilderen, die hem eyghen is, by nae alle over-treft, want daer is in sijn schildery sulcke forse ende leven, dat hy te met de natuyr selfs schijnt te braveren met sijn Penceel, dat spreecken alle sijne Conterfeytsels, die hy ghemaeckt heeft, onghelooflijcke veel, die soo ghecoloreert zijn, datse schijnen asem van haer te gheven ende te leven.” See Atkins, Signature Style, chapter 1, “A Liveliness Uniquely His”, 23‒84.

  66. 66. In 1993 Dudok van Heel already assumed that Rembrandt might have studied Frans Hals’s standard bearer in The Meagre Company and would have considered it a challenge; see S. A. C. Dudok van Heel, “Rembrandt en de vaandrigs van de Amsterdamse schutterij: Diende Rembrandts ‘vaandeldrager’ uit 1636 als ‘modello’?,” Kroniek van het Rembrandthuis 2 (1993): 18. See also Dudok van Heel, “Rembrandt and Frans Hals,” 25.

  67. 67. Originally the fabric must have been more greenish; see Noble et al., “Standard Bearer,” 172–173.

  68. 68. Bikker maintains that considerable body fat was considered a sign of virile vitality (Bikker, Vaandeldrager, 26). However, in paintings of civic guard companies, corpulent men are truly exceptional, and in the rare cases a corpulent figure appears in one of the numerous depictions of military men in guardroom paintings, they are always explicitly meant as comical figures. Bikker refers to Goltzius’s painting Hercules and Cacus (1615; Frans Hals Museum, Haarlem) (Bikker, Vaandeldrager, fig. 26), but his body is of an entirely different (muscular) shape; although bulky, it is not corpulent. See n. 125 in this article.

  69. 69. On Hals’s distinctive virtuoso technique, see Atkins, Signature Style, esp. chapters 1 and 2.

  70. 70. On Rembrandt’s handeling and use of color, see, among others, Ernst van de Wetering, “Towards a Reconstruction of Rembrandt’s Art Theory,” in Wetering, Corpus, 4:3–140, 4:103–123; and Eric Jan Sluijter, Rembrandt’s Rivals: History Painting in Amsterdam 1630–1650 (Amsterdam: Benjamins Publishing Company, 2015), 59–70.

  71. 71. For copies, see Bruyn et al., Corpus, 3:230. Three are still known; see figs. 23 and 45 in this article and Bikker, Vaandeldrager, fig. 44.

  72. 72. For striking examples (from around the same time) of Rembrandt altering his face to fit a role, see Chapman, Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits, 42–43, figs. 54–59.

  73. 73. About the painting being a self-portrait, or not, see Schwartz, “Vaandeldrager.” Several authors of earlier catalogues (among them Gerson, Bauch, the Rembrandt Research Project, Wetering, and Manuth, De Winkel, and Van Leeuwen) denied it that status, though the latter two conceded that it showed Rembrandt’s features. Schwartz himself called it a “self-not-portrait” (zelf-niet-portret). Chapman, in Self-Portraits, 42–43, discussed it as a self-portrait.

  74. 74. See Self-Portrait with Soft Beret (1635–1636; National Gallery of Art); Benesch, Drawings, no. 437 recto, dated by Royalton-Kisch ca. 1634–1636 (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. D632, dated by Schatborn ca. 1637). For the etchings, see the related Self-Portrait with a Soft Beret (ca. 1634), Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. E210 (B. 2); Self-Portrait with a Raised Kris (1634), Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. E211 (B 18 II); and Self-Portrait with Saskia (1636), Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. E213 (B.19 I). See also the painted Self-Portrait of ca. 1637 in the Wallace Collection: Wetering, Corpus, vol. 6, no. 154, with a similar view from slightly below.

  75. 75. Long ago noted by Gudlaugsson, “Bredero’s Lucelle,” 185; and Kurt Bauch, Der frühe Rembrandt und seine Zeit (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1960), 176. See also Hans-Joachim Raupp, Untersuchungen zu Künstlerbildnis und Künstlerdarstellung in den Niederlanden im 17. Jahrhundert (Hildesheim: Olms, 1984), 176; Winkel, Fashion and Fancy, 66 and 67. Pictures of actors wearing stage costumes in the first decades of the seventeenth century are rare, since theater scenes depicted on title pages of plays are all of a later date. Two paintings by Jan Miense Molenaer of the last scene of Lucelle (see n. 28 and fig. 19 in this article) are unusual in this respect. For pictures of rederijkers’ costumes, see Bart Ramakers, ed., Op de Hollandse Parnas: De Vlaardingse rederijkerswedstrijd van 1616 (Zwolle: Waanders, 2006); and the fold-out prints in Heyns, Const-thoonende Iuweel. See also S. J. Gudlaugsson, De komedianten bij Jan Steen en zijn tijdgenoten (The Hague: Stols, 1945); and J. Q. van Regteren Altena, “Buitenlanders zien Amsterdam, voornamelijk rond 1634,” Jaarboek Amstelodamum 70 (1978): 170–185.

  76. 76. This seems to indicate that such drawings, like the etchings and paintings, were not entirely private but meant for the collections of art lovers. About the frogging, see n. 9, and see the figure of Capiteyn Baustruldes from Poland in Jan Miense Molenaer’s painting of Bredero’s Lucelle (fig. 19, at left). See also in Rembrandt’s drawing, Willem Ruyter with Three Other Actors as “Orientals” (Benesch, Drawings, no. 230), the second figure from the right. It is probably a characteristic of the “Poolse Rok” (Polish skirt) that had become familiar on the stage (Van Thienen, Doek gaat op, 1:253). The many examples of frogging in costume books and the use of them in paintings make clear that this kind of fastening was associated with Eastern European and Middle Eastern countries.

  77. 77. When discussing Rembrandt’s self-portraits one sets foot in a scholarly minefield; see, for example, Ernst van de Wetering, Corpus, 4:132–143; and Chapman, “Reclaiming,” 233–235. See also n. 83 in this article on the term tronie.

  78. 78. To avoid confusion, I do not use the concept of the tronie as a specific art historical category. About the original meaning and its modern use, see Dagmar Hirschfelder, Tronie und Porträt in der niederländischen Malerei des 17. Jarhunderts (Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 2008); and Franziska Gottwald, Das Tronie: Muster, Studie und Meisterwerk: Die Genese einer Gattung der Malerei vom 15. Jahrhundert bis zu Rembrandt (Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 2011).

  79. 79. For a convincing refutation of such notions, see Chapman, “Rembrandt, Van Gogh,” 19–20, 28–29; and Chapman, “Reclaiming,” 236–238, 256–257. See also Chapman, “Introduction” and chapter 1 “Discovery of the Self” in Self-Portraits, 1-9 and 10-33. Such views on the function of Rembrandt’s self-portraits were forcefully enunciated since the 1990s by Eddy de Jongh and Ernst van de Wetering in particular. See, for example, Eddy de Jongh, “De mate van ikheid in Rembrandts zelfportretten,” Kunstschrift 6 (November–December 1991), 13–15, adamantly elaborated on by Ernst van de Wetering in “The Multiple Functions of Rembrandt’s Self-Portraits,” in Rembrandt by Himself, ed. Christopher White and Quentin Buvelot, exh. cat (Zwolle: Waanders in association with the National Gallery, London, 2000), 17–22 (and in some catalogue entries by Edwin Buijsen), and in Wetering, Corpus, 4:  xxv–xxiv, 132–139, 158, 172. See also Lyckle de Vries, “Tronies and Other Single-Figured Netherlandish Paintings,” in “Nederlandse Portretten: Bijdragen over de portretkunst in de Nederlanden uit de Zeventiende en Achttiende Eeuw,” ed. H. Blasse-Hegeman et al., Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 8 (1989): 197; Manuth, De Winkel, and Van Leeuwen, Rembrandt, 25; Gottwald, Tronie, 108–112; and Christopher Brown, “The Evolution of Rembrandt’s Early Style,” in Young Rembrandt, ed. Christopher Brown et al., exh. cat (Oxford: Ashmolean Museum, 2019), 42.

  80. 80. Chapman, “Reclaiming,” 236–237. Between about 1628 and 1640, Rembrandt’s face appears in twenty-two paintings, twenty-four etchings and, surprisingly, in only four drawings: two of ca. 1628–1629 and two of ca. 1634–1636.

  81. 81. Joseph Leo Koerner, The Moment of Self-Portraiture in German Renaissance Art (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), 9. When studying and fashioning one’s own face, Koerner writes, one does this “at once as viewing subject and as thing viewed, as representation’s origin as well as end.” This fundamentally distinguishes the act of self-portraying from looking at and depicting another person.

  82. 82. See Chapman, Self-Portraits, esp. chapters 1 and 2. The unconventionality was also emphasized by Arthur K. Wheelock Jr., “Rembrandt Inventing Himself,” in Rembrandt Creates Rembrandt, ed. Alan Chong, exh. cat. (Zwolle: Waanders in association with the Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston, 2000), 16–19.

  83. 83. As stated in n. 78 in this article. I avoid the use of the word tronie in the modern art historical sense of a category. Rembrandt sidesteps all traditional conventions, making novel kinds of self-representation.

  84. 84. See Schnackenburg, Lievens, nos. 6–8, 10–11 (Lievens’s earliest character-heads), 20–22, 41, 46, 47 (his earliest “Caravaggist” single figures).

  85. 85. In about 1622–1628, a series of prints by Lucas Vorsterman after Adriaen Brouwer was published. In a series of paintings of about 1634–1637, Brouwer even depicted faces of friends as such; see Karolien de Clippel, “Adriaen Brouwer, Portrait Painter: New Identifications and an Iconographic Novelty,” Simiolus 30, nos. 3/4 (2003): 204–212; Elmer Kolfin, “‘Het schuim des volks voor de bloem der natie’: Adriaen Brouwer en zijn publiek in de Nederlanden van de 17de eeuw,” in Adriaen Brouwer, Meester van Emoties: Tussen Rubens en Rembrandt, ed. Katrien Lichtert, exh. cat. (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press in association with MOU Museum, Oudenaerde, 2018), 127–138.

  86. 86. The pendants are at the Musée des Beaux Arts, Marseille. Finson’s self-portrait is dated 1613; the painting by Faber is dated 1614.

  87. 87. S. A .C. Dudok van Heel, De jonge Rembrandt onder tijdgenoten (Nijmegen: Nijmegen University Press, 2006), 84–85. Van Swanenburg had a close connection with Abraham Vinck (who lived with him in Hamburg and was a witness at his marriage in Naples); Vinck was a close friend and business partner of Finson in Naples and Amsterdam. On Finson and Vinck (and relations with Van Swanenburg), see Marije Osnabrugge, The Neapolitan Lives and Careers of Netherlandish Immigrant Painters (1575–1655) (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2019), Chapter 2 “Talent, Business and Friendship,” 63‒122.

  88. 88. On Finson’s career, see Osnabrugge, Neapolitan Lives, 63–115.

  89. 89. Jasper Hillegers drew my attention to two paintings by Jan Lievens: Hunter with Dead Birds and Farmer with a Spade, from a series titled Four Elements and Ages of Men (ca. 1625/26; Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Kassel), which show in several respects remarkable similarities to these works. For Lievens’s paintings, see Schnackenburg, Lievens, nos. 23 and 24.

  90. 90. Martin Faber, also naked to the waist, holds over his shoulder, like a weapon, a maulstick with brushes tied to it, in the manner of a bundle of Roman fasces. One wonders if they depicted themselves—as if for a carnival-like pageant—as people of savage northern tribes, the Belgae and the Frisii respectively. In the inscription Finson identifies himself as Belga Brugensis and Faber as Emdensis Frisius.

  91. 91. Finson’s self-portrait betrays knowledge of Caravaggio’s Self-Portrait as Bacchus (the so-called Bacchino Malato). Giovanni Baglione writes around 1625 that in his youth Caravaggio “made some other small pictures which were drawn from his own reflection in a mirror. The first was a Bacchus with bunches of various kinds of grapes. . . . He also painted a boy bitten by a lizard which emerges from some flowers and fruits. The boy actually seems to cry out and the whole is carefully executed.” Walter Friedländer, Caravaggio Studies (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974), 234. Chapman, in Self-Portraits, 19, pointed out that Caravaggio also painted his own face to study the passions.

  92. 92. About Rembrandt’s attitude toward Caravaggio, see H. Perry Chapman, “Rembrandt and Caravaggio: A Question of Emulation,” in Aemulatio. Imitation and Invention in Netherlandish Art from 1500 to 1800: Essays in Honor of Eric Jan Sluijter, ed. Anton W. A. Boschloo et al. (Zwolle: Waanders, 2011), 182–194. It is possible that copies of Caravaggio’s self-portrayals were in Amsterdam.

  93. 93. Van de Wetering dates it ca. 1628 (Corpus, vol. 4, no. 18). Dated in the same year are Study in the Mirror of the Human Skin (Indianapolis Museum of Art) and Lighting Study in the Mirror (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam); Wetering, Corpus, vol. 4, nos. 19 and 20 (the titles are Wetering’s). Manuth, De Winkel, and Van Leeuwen place the three paintings in the same sequence; Manuth, De Winkel, and Van Leeuwen, Rembrandt, nos. 142–144.

  94. 94. It is possible that one or more copies or replicas of one of Von Aachen’s self-portraits were in Amsterdam. Pieters Isaacsz owned a copy by Van Aachen himself of his Madona Laura and a self-portrait that Von Aachen had sent him; see Karel van Mander, Het Leven der Doorluchtighe Nederlandtsche en Hooghduytsche Schilders, in Het Schilder-Boeck (Haarlem: Paschier van Wesbusch, 1603–04), fols. 290r and 291r. Isaacsz might have made copies after Von Aachen when he was his pupil in Italy. On Isaacsz, see Badeloch Noldus and Juliette Roding, eds., Pieter Isaacsz (1568–1625): Court Painter, Art Dealer and Spy (Turnhout: Brepols, 2007), 75–92. Regarding Rembrandt’s later Prodigal Son in Dresden (fig. 40), there might have been a copy after the one made in Rome with “Madon[n]a Venusta” (see n. 115 in this article). Rembrandt’s pose in the Laughing Self-Portrait (fig. 38) is remarkably similar to Von Aachen’s second work.

  95. 95. Since a laughing (self-)portrait was something entirely new and unusual, Van Mander underscores twice that it showed a laughing face (see n. 96 and 97 in this article). Around the same time, we find in the early work of Annibale Carracci a laughing youngster of about 1582, probably a comedian (Galleria Borghese, Roma), and a painting of a very young laughing man (ca. 1588‒1590); Collection Lauro-Bona, Bologna). See Daniele Benati and Eugenio Riecòmini, Annibale Carracci, exh. cat (Milan: Mondadori Electa in association with Museo Civico, Bologna, 2006), nos. II, 9, and 10.

  96. 96. Van Mander, Leven, 289v–290r. “. . . maeckte hy onder ander zijn eyghen Conterfeytsel uyt den Spieghel al lacchende, oft een lacchende tronie, welcke uytnemende verwrocht en wonder fraey gedaen was” ([Von Aachen] made . . . his own portrait from the mirror while laughing, or a laughing face, which was excellently crafted      and amazingly beautiful). This portrait, made in Venice, has been lost; see Thomas Fusenig, ed., Hans von Aachen (1552–1615): Court Artist in Europe, exh. cat. (Berlin and Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag in association with Suermondt Ludwig Museum, Aachen, 2010), 88 and 263. See also Hessel Miedema, ed., Karel van Mander: The Lives of the Illustrious Netherlandish and German Painters (Doornspijk: Van Coevorden, 1994–1999), 5:251–252.

  97. 97. Van Mander, Leven, fol. 290 r.: “Hy heeft noch hem selven lacchende wijse geconterfeyt, oock neffens hem een Vrouw-mensch, Madona [sic] Venusta geheeten, spelende op een Luyt en hy achter haer staende met een schaels Wijns in d’handt” ([Von Aachen] portrayed himself laughing with and standing next to a woman, named Madon[n]a Venusta, playing the lute; he is standing behind her with a wine coupe in his hand). Stephanie Dickey discussed the painting extensively in relation to the etched Laughing Self-Portrait of 1630 and the so-called Prodigal Son (fig. 40). Rembrandt’s painted Laughing Self-Portrait of ca. 1628 (fig. 38), had not yet surfaced at that time; Stephanie Dickey, “Strategies of Self-Portraiture from Hans von Aachen to Rembrandt,” in Hans von Aachen in Context, ed. Lubomír Konecný and Stephan Vácha (Prague: Artefactum, 2012), 71–81.

  98. 98. Van Mander, Leven, fol. 290v: “den meesten en oppersten Const-beminder van de gantsche Weerelt.”

  99. 99. On Rembrandt’s early success with connoisseurs, see, among others, Eric Jan Sluijter, Rembrandt and the Female Nude (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2006), 25–27, with further references. Stephanie Dickey earlier suggested that since Rembrandt was seeking patronage at Frederik Hendrick’s court, Von Aachen’s laughing self-portraiture would have been an inspiring example (Dickey, “Strategies,” 77).

  100. 100. On laughing about folly as a confirmation of norms, see Kolfin, “Regte Bootsenmakery,” 26–41, with further references. Von Aachen’s laughing self-portrait was a success; he painted himself like this probably even for the emperor Rudolph II in the Laughing Self-Portrait with a Courtesan (ca. 1596: Kunsthistorisches Museum, Vienna); see Fusenig, Von Aachen, no. 77.

  101. 101. About this stereotype, see Karel van Mander, Den Grondt der Edel vry Schilder-const, in Schilder-Boeck, cap. 1, verse 23 and 24. Also see Hessel Miedema, ed., Karel van Mander: Den Grondt der edel vry schilder-const (Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1973), 2:372. In the introductory poem to Philip Angel’s Lof der Schilder-konst, painters are extensively described as drunkards, pub-crawlers, and merrymakers; Philips Angel, Lof der Schilder-Konst (Leiden: Willem Christiaens, 1642), 3. Later, Arnold Houbraken complains that in the previous century, painters drank too much; Arnold Houbraken, De Groote Schouburgh der Nederlantsche Konstschilder en Schilderessen (Amsterdam: Arnold Houbraken, 1718–1721), 3:248. Much information regarding texts and images of smoking, drinking, and carousing artists can be found in Ingrid A. Cartwright, “Hoe schilder hoe wilder: Dissolute Self-Portraits in Seventeenth-Century Dutch and Flemish Art” (PhD diss., University of Maryland, 2007), esp. chapters 3 and 4.

  102. 102. In many self-portrayals, references to vanity and transience are more or less explicitly present; see Raupp, Untersuchungen zu Künstlerbildnis, chapter 2.2 “Pictura vana,” 266–287; and Eric Jan Sluijter, “The Painter’s Pride: The Art of Capturing Transience in Self-Portraits from Isaac van Swanenburgh to David Bailly,” in Modelling the Individual: Biography and Portrait in the Renaissance, ed. Karl Enenkel, Betsy de Jong-Crane, and Peter Libregts (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1998), 172–196.

  103. 103. Van Mander, Leven, 61v (introduction to the lives of painters from antiquity): “wat mach beter rijmen op de schoon gestaltenis desen Jongelings in de Cristallinige clare fonteyne schaduwende, dan een constich geschildert Beelt uytnemende wel na t’leven gedaan, van een geleerde hant eens Const-rijcke Schilder?” (What can be more similar to the image of the beautiful appearance of this young man [Narcissus] in the reflecting crystal clear well, than a skillfully painted image excellently done from life, by the learned hand of an artful painter?). He adds that this is a wonderful comparison, “bevindende onse Conste alree de schaduw van het ’t rechte wesen, en den schijn van het zijn vergeleken” (considering that our art has already been compared to the shadow of true nature and the appearance of being). Samuel van Hoogstraten repeats Van Mander’s text quoted above; Samuel van Hoogstraten, Inleiding tot de hooge schoole der schilderkonst (Rotterdam: François van Hoogstraten, 1678), 25. See Eric Jan Sluijter, “In Praise of the Art of Painting,” in Eric Jan Sluijter, Seductress of Sight: Studies in Dutch Art of the Golden Age (Zwolle: Waanders, 2000), 252. About “deceit of the eye” (oogbedrog) in general, see Eric Jan Sluijter, Seductress, 9–13.

  104. 104. Rembrandt depicted his own laughing face, aware of his vanity, not only in one of his first self-portrayals but also in one of his last: Self-Portrait as the Laughing Zeuxis (ca. 1663; Wallraf-Richartz-Museum, Cologne). In interpretations by Albert Blankert and Ernst van de Wetering, the importance of the notion of vanity has been ignored: Albert Blankert, “Rembrandt, Zeuxis and Ideal Beauty,” in Albert Blankert, Selected Writings on Dutch Painting: Rembrandt, Van Beke, Vermeer and Others (Zwolle: Waanders, 2004), 251–259; Wetering, Corpus 4:556–559.

  105. 105. Rembrandt’s first self-portrait with a gorget shows his uninhibitedly laughing face. Although Chapman has argued for the patriotic connotations for this portrait, such connotations for many of the portraits with a gorget seems doubtful to me. See Chapman, Self-Portraits, 36–45; the painting in the Getty Museum had not yet surfaced when Chapman wrote her book.

  106. 106. I borrow the term “transgressive self-portrait” from Stephanie Dickey (Dickey, “Strategies,” 72). A striking comparison with Rembrandt’s painting is the laughing self-portrait by the young David de Haen (ca. 1617–1619; Private collection). He is holding a palette, but his theatrical dress has the large, round buttons of a fool’s costume; the corners are decorated with vine leaves, indicating the Bentvueghels’ ideology that creativity was fueled by wine. On De Haen, see Wayne Franits, The Paintings of Dirck van Baburen (Amsterdam: Benjamins Publishing Company, 2013), 12–19, nos. R 16, R 21. On the Bentvueghels and wine, see, among others, Annick Lemoine, “Sous les auspices de Bacchus: La Rome des bas-fonds, du Caravage aux Bentvueghels,” in Les Bas-fonds du baroque: La Rome du vice et de la misère, ed. Francesca Cappelletti and Annick Lemoine, exh. cat. (Milan: Officina Libraria in association with the Académie de France, Rome, 2014), 23–42 and 155, fig. f.

  107. 107. Van Mander, Grondt, fol. 33 verso, verse 53. “… sietmen expresse / Glanzen en schijnen teghenstaen en keeren, / . . .” Lievens had used the gorget in 1624/25 for a soldier in his painting, Tric-Trac Players (Spier Collection, London); Schnackenburg, Lievens, 169–170, no. 9) and again in his so-called Portrait of Rembrandt of ca. 1629 (Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam); Schnackenburg, Lievens, 256–258, no. 74), and for a tronie of around the same time (Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Dresden); Schnackenburg, Lievens, 261, no. 76). The gorget was not part of the costume of “Caravaggist” soldiers and bravi. There is one tronie by Rubens of a young man with a gorget (Private collection); see Nico van Hout, Corpus Rubenianum Ludwig Burckhard, vol. 20, part 2, Study Heads (London: Harvey Miller Publishers, 2020), 1:126–127, no. 36b, and vol. 2, fig. 122. A replica/copy might have been a source of inspiration (the pose might confirm a relation, especially when Rembrandt’s small self-portrayal of 1629 [Alte Pinakothek, Munich] is considered as well). Rembrandt could have seen actual officers wearing a gorget in Leiden and painted ones in Joris van Schooten’s pictures of the Leiden Militia (1626; Lakenhal, Leiden).

  108. 108. The tradition goes back as far as the Greek comedy writer Menander. Erasmus mentions the soldier as one of the types with a fixed decorum in comedies (decorum commune); others are the amorous young man, the coaxing courtesan, the critical old man, etc. See Jeroen Jansen, Decorum: Observaties over de literaire gepastheid in de renaissancistische poëtica (Hilversum: Verloren, 2001), 256–263. Pyrgopolynices in Plautus’s Miles Gloriosus and Thraso from Terentius’s Eunuchusi were prototypical. The latter was the most popular play in Latin schools, where Rembrandt might have become familiar with this figure; on school plays, see Anneke G. C. Fleurkens, “Schooltoneel tijdens de renaissance: Meer dan vrije expressie,” Literatuur 5 (1988): 75–82; and Jan Bloemendal, Spiegel van het dagelijks leven? Latijnse school en toneel in de Noordelijke Nederlanden in de zestiende en zeventiende eeuw (Hilversum: Verloren, 2003), 31–33. Thraso was the model for Bredero’s Hopman Roemert (see n. 46 in this article).

  109. 109. Minderaa and Zaalberg, Werken van Gerbrand Adriaensz. Bredero, 122: “Inhoudt van ’tspel van de Moor” (Content of the play about the Moor): “… de meer als sotte vermetelheyt van den hovaerdighen en overdwaalschen Kapiteyn, van welcker eyghen behaaglycke mallicheyt een yder hem spieghele, en bekenne syne gebreken in aller ootmoedicheyt.”

  110. 110. Ernst van de Wetering sees it as Rembrandt just using himself as the most patient model (see n. 79 in this article); Ernst van de Wetering, “Rembrandt Laughing, ca. 1628: A Painting Resurfaces,” Kroniek van het Rembrandthuis (2007), 18–40, esp. 35–36.

  111. 111. Seymour Slive, Frans Hals (London: Phaidon, 1974), vol. 2, nos. 64 and 65, dated by Slive ca. 1628–1630. See also Noel Schiller, in Tummers, Kolfin, and Hillegers, Kunst van het lachen, 78–80, with further references. The model for the portrayals of Pekelharing seems to be the same actor (depicted in “blackface”) as the Merry Drinker in the Rijksmuseum (Christopher Atkins in a talk at a symposium at the Frans Hals Museum, January 8, 2022).

  112. 112. See Sluijter, Rivals, 27–59. These include Abraham’s Sacrifice (1635; Hermitage, St. Petersburg), Samson Threatening his Father-in-Law (ca. 1635; Staatliche Gemäldegalerie, Berlin), and Belshazzar’s Feast (ca. 1635; The National Gallery, London).

  113. 113. See Kolfin, “Regte Bootsenmakery.”

  114. 114. My paper on this painting (“Rembrandt’s ‘Prodigal Son’ in Dresden (1635) and Comedy”), originally presented at the Rembrandt conference in Herstmonceux July 7, 2023, will be published as an article in 2025. For several decades, the painting has been titled Self-Portrait as the Prodigal Son in the Tavern.

  115. 115. In 1984, Gary Schwartz suggested a connection with Van Mander’s description of Von Aachen’s Self-Portrait with “donna Venusta”; Gary Schwartz, Rembrandt: Zijn leven, zijn schilderijen (Maarssen: Gary Schwartz, 1984), 192. This was elaborated on by Ernst van de Wetering in Corpus, 4:228–229; and Dickey, “Strategies,” 77–79 (see n. 94 in this article). Hans-Joachim Raupp identified Von Aachen’s painting as a precursor to Rembrandt’s work; Raupp, Untersuchungen, 315; and Chapman, Self-Portraits, 118. In 2015, Wetering saw Rembrandt emulating Van Mander’s description as the raison d’être of Rembrandt’s painting.

  116. 116. See Elmer Kolfin, The Young Gentry at Play: Northern Netherlandish Scenes of Merry Companies 1610–1645 (Leiden: Primavera, 2005), esp. 248.

  117. 117. See notes 101 and 106 in this article.

  118. 118. Wetering, Corpus, 4, nos. 18 (ca. 1627/28; J. Paul Getty Museum), 19 (ca. 1627/28; Indianapolis Museum of Art), 30 (ca. 1629; Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremburg, and Mauritshuis, The Hague), 96 (1633, Musée du Louvre, Paris), 134 (1635; Buckland Abbey, National Trust), 135 (ca. 1635; Gemäldegalerie, Dresden), and 146 (ca. 1633–36; Gemäldegalerie, Berlin).

  119. 119. Respectively Wetering, Corpus, 4, nos. 19 (ca. 1627/28; Indianapolis Museum of Art), 20 (ca. 1628; Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam), 29 (1629; Isabella Stewart Gardner Museum, Boston), 31 (1629; Alte Pinakothek, Munich), 69 (1632; Private collection), 122 (1634; Private collection), 123 (1634; Gemäldegalerie, Berlin), 134 (1635; Buckland Abbey, National Trust), and 146 (1633–36; Gemäldegalerie, Berlin).

  120. 120. Bruyn et al., Corpus, 3: no. C 92, reattributed by Wetering to Rembrandt: Wetering, Corpus, 4:604, Corrigenda III, no. C92, see also 232–238; and Corpus, 4:545, no. 134. Although he attributed it to Rembrandt, Wetering still kept the heading of the entry as “Rembrandt (and workshop?).” I consider it a work by Rembrandt, to which someone in the studio might have contributed the feathers and mantle.

  121. 121. Self-portrait with Gorget (ca. 1629; Germanisches Nationalmuseum, Nuremberg) and Self-portrait with Gorget (ca. 1629;  Mauritsthuis, The Hague). In the Mauritshuis version, Rembrandt moved the head to an even more upright position to emphasize haughtiness. See Eric Jan Sluijter, “The Tronie of a Young Officer with a Gorget in the Mauritshuis: A Second Version by Rembrandt Himself?” Oud Holland 114, nos. 2/4 (2000): 188–194.

  122. 122. Van Mander, Grondt, fol. 25v., cap. 6, verse 32.

  123. 123. For Saskia’s dress with a transparent veil, compare the drawing of a woman in theater dress in the Lugt Collection, Fondation Custodia, Paris (Schatborn and Hinterding, Rembrandt, no. D336, dated ca. 1639). See also the woman in De Gheyn’s print, Music Making and Dancing Buffoons (fig. 18).

  124. 124. Gemäldegalerie Alte Meister, Kassel. The signature and date are probably non-authentic, according to Bruyn et al., Corpus, 2:529, no. A72, even though 1634 is the most likely date for the painting. They accepted the face, helmet, gorget, and scarf as by Rembrandt. Wetering, in Corpus, 4:216–217, considered it a workshop product; it was also de attributed by Gerson and Grimm. In accordance with Bruyn, I am quite convinced that the face, helmet, plumes, gorget, and scarf are by Rembrandt himself, in contrast to the coarsely painted cloak and background.

  125. 125. Apart from comical peasants, beggars, and quacks, such overweight male bodies appear in Rembrandt’s paintings as elderly biblical kings (with negative associations), such as Saul, Cyrus, Belshazzar, Uzziah, or the high priest in Judas Repentant; and in his drawings and prints as elderly Eastern European and “Oriental” figures (or actors in such roles). Twice he depicted a portly Eastern potentate with his own features, apparently in comical roles: in Self-Portrait with Poodle (1631; Musée du Petit Palais, Paris) and in the etched Self-Portrait as “Oriental” Leaning on a Sabre (fig. 13). See also n. 68 in this article.

  126. 126. Constantijn Huygens, “Een Comediant,” in Zedeprinten (1623), published online by Leiden University Department of Dutch Language and Culture, accessed June 30, 2024, https://www.let.leidenuniv.nl/Dutch/Huygens/HUYG23.html#CH1623015: “En onder ‘tmommen-hooft steeckt noch de selve mann.”

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Review: Peer Review (Double Blind)
DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2024.16.2.2
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Eric Jan Sluijter, "Rembrandt’s Standard Bearer: On Costume, Comedy, and Self-Portrayal, circa 1627–1637," Journal of Historians of Netherlandish Art 16:2 (Summer 2024) DOI: 10.5092/jhna.2024.16.2.2